Calvin, JOHN, was born at Noyon, in Picardy, on the 10th of July 1509. His father, Gérard Caulvin or Cauvin, was procureur-fiscal of the district of Noyon, and secretary of the diocese. He was one of six children—four sons and two daughters. All the three sons who survived were bred ecclesiastics; and the reformer himself, while still only twelve years of age, was appointed to a chaplaincy in the cathedral church of Noyon. Calvin was educated in circumstances of ease, and even affluence. The noble family of De Montmor, in the neighbourhood, invited him to share in the studies of their children; he was in some measure adopted by them; and when the family went to Paris, in his fourteenth year, he accompanied them. He was entered as a pupil in the Collège de la Marche, under the regency of Mathurin Cordier, better remembered, perhaps, by his Latin name of Corderius. It was under this distinguished master that Calvin laid the foundation of his own wonderful mastery of the Latin language. During this early period, he was distinguished by the great activity of his mental powers, and the grave severity of his manners. His companions, it is said, surnamed him the 'Accusative.'
For a while his attention was directed to the study of law, and his father sent him to the university of Orléans, then adorned by Pierre de l'Étoile, one of the most famous jurists of his day. At Orléans, he continued the same life of rigorous temperance and earnest studiousness for which he was already noted. It was while a law-student in Orléans that he became acquainted with the Scriptures, and received his first impulse to the theological studies which have made his name so distinguished. A relative of his own, Pierre Robert Olivetan, was there engaged in a translation of the Scriptures; and this had the effect of drawing Calvin's attention, and awakening within him the religious instinct which was soon to prove the master-principle of his life. The seeds of the new faith were now beyond doubt sown in his heart, and from this time, although he still continued for a while longer to pursue his legal studies, his main interests appear to have been religious and theological. From Orléans he went to Bourges, where he acquired the knowledge of Greek, under the tuition of a learned German, Melchior Wolmar. He began here to preach the reformed doctrines, and passed over into the ranks of Protestantism, under the slow but sure growth of his new convictions, rather than under the agitation of any violent feeling. Here, as everywhere, his life presents a marked contrast to that of Luther.
He proceeded to Paris in 1533, which at this date had become a centre of the 'new learning,' under the teaching of Lefèvre and Farel, and the influence of the queen of Navarre, sister of Francis I. The Sorbonne itself had not escaped the infection. There was a growing religious excitement in the university, in the court, and even among the bishops. This, however, was not to last. The king was soon stirred up to take active measures to quell this rising spirit; and the result was that Calvin and others were obliged to flee for their lives. After this he repaired for a short time to his native place, resigned the preferment he held in the Roman Catholic Church, and for a year or two led a wandering life, sheltered in various places. We find him at Saintonge; at Nerac, the residence of the queen of Navarre; at Angoulême, with his friend Lonis du Tillet; then for a brief while at Paris again. Persecution against the Protestants at this time raged so hotly, that Calvin was no longer safe in France; and he betook himself to Basel, whence he issued, in the year 1536, the first edition of his Christianæ Religionis Institutio, with the famous preface addressed to Francis I. The concentrated vigour and intensity of feeling of this address, rising into indignant remonstrance, and at times into pathetic and powerful eloquence, make it one of the most memorable documents in connection with the Reformation. After completing this great service to the cause of Protestantism, he made a short visit to Italy, to Renée the Duchess of Ferrara. Finally, he revisited his native town; sold the paternal estate, which had devolved to him on the death of his eldest brother; and, bidding Noyon adieu, set out in company with his younger brother and sister on his way to Strasburg. The direct road being rendered dangerous by the armies of Charles V., which had penetrated into France, he sought a circuitous route through Savoy and Geneva.
The result of this journey was memorable for the cause of the Reformation. Arrived in Geneva in the autumn of 1536, he met there his friend, Louis du Tillet, who communicated the fact of his arrival to Farel, then in the very midst of his struggle to promote the Reformation. Farel hastened to see him, and urge upon him the duty of remaining where he was, and undertaking his share of the work of God. Calvin did not at first respond to the call. He was given, he himself says, to his 'own intense thoughts and private studies.' He wished to devote himself to the service of the reformed churches generally, rather than to the care of any particular church. By some strange insight, however, Farel penetrated to the higher fitness of the young stranger who stood before him, and he ventured to lay the curse of God upon him and his studies if he refused his aid to the church of Geneva in her time of need. 'It was,' Calvin said, 'as if God had seized me by his awful hand from heaven.' He abandoned his intention of pursuing his journey, and joined eagerly with Farel in the work of reformation.
Having entered upon his task, he soon infused an energy into it which crowned the struggling efforts of Farel with success. The hierarchical authority was already overturned before his arrival; the citizens had asserted their independence against the Duke of Savoy. The magistrates and people eagerly joined with the reformers in the first heat of their freedom and zeal. A Protestant Confession of Faith was drawn out, approved of by the Council of Two Hundred, and then proclaimed in the cathedral church of St Peter's. Great and marvellous changes were wrought in a short time upon the manners of the people; where license and frivolity had reigned, a strict moral severity began to characterise the whole aspect of society. The strain, however, was too sudden and too extreme. A spirit of rebellion against the rule of Calvin and Farel broke forth; but they refused to yield to the wishes of a party animated by a more easy and liberal spirit than themselves, and known in the history of Geneva under the nickname of Libertines; and the consequence was, that they were both expelled from the city after less than two years' residence.
Calvin retreated to Strasburg, and devoted himself to theological study, especially to his critical labours on the New Testament. Here, in October 1539, he married the widow of a converted Anabaptist.
The Genevans found, after a short time, that they could not well get on without Calvin. His rule might be rigid; but an authority even such as his was better than no settled authority at all; and the Libertine party seem to have been unable to construct any efficient and beneficent form of government. Accordingly, they invited Calvin to return; and after some delay on his part, in order to test the spirit in which they were acting, he acceded to their invitation, and in the autumn of 1541, after three years' absence, once more made his entry into Geneva.
Now at length he succeeded in establishing his plan of church-government. By his College of Pastors and Doctors, and his Consistorial Court of Discipline, he founded a theocracy, which aimed virtually to direct all the affairs of the city, and to control and modify both the social and individual life of the citizens. The Libertines still remained a strong party, which was even augmented, after Calvin's return, by men such as Ami Perrin, who had strongly concurred in the invitation to Calvin, but who were afterwards alienated from him by the high hand with which he pursued his designs, as well as by their own schemes of ambition. The struggle with this party lasted with various fortune for no less a period than fifteen years, and was only terminated in 1555, after a somewhat ridiculous émeute in the streets. Ami Perrin and others, driven from the city, were executed in effigy; and the reformer's authority from this date was confirmed into an absolute supremacy. During the long struggle with the Libertines occurred also Calvin's controversies with Sebastian Castellio, Jerome Bolsec, and, above all, Michael Servetus.
Calvin had become acquainted with Castellio at Strasburg. They entertained at first a warm friendship for each other, and Calvin showed great zeal in assisting Castellio, whose poverty and learning had attracted his sympathy. When he returned to Geneva, he invited Castellio to join him there, and procured for him the title of regent or tutor in the gymnasium of the city. There was little similarity, however, in the characters of the two men, and the diversity of their tastes and views soon became apparent. The learning of Castellio was intensely humanistic; and, as soon as he began to apply himself to theology, he came into conflict with Calvin. In a letter to Farel in 1542 we find Calvin speaking of the freaks of 'our friend Sebastian, which may raise both your bile and your laughter at the same time.' These freaks relate to Castellio's notions of scriptural translation, and his refusal of Calvin's offer to revise the version which he had made of certain parts of Scripture. Then, two years later, when Castellio desired to enter into the ministry, Calvin dissuaded the council from accepting him, on account of some peculiar opinions which he held. These were certain rationalistic views as to the authenticity and character of the Song of Solomon, the descent of Christ into hell, and the doctrine of election. After this Castellio left Geneva for a while; but, soon returning, he attacked the views of Calvin openly. After a violent scene in church, which is painted in Calvin's letters very strongly, he was forced to leave the city. The two old friends, now declared enemies, did not spare each other henceforth. The fate of Servetus drew forth an anonymous publication, attacking with keen logic and covert and ingenious sarcasm the Genevan doctrines. This publication was attributed by both Calvin and Beza to Castellio, and they replied to him in no measured terms, stigmatising him as a 'deceiver and vessel of Satan.'
The controversy with Bolsec belongs to the year 1551. Jerome Bolsec was originally a Carmelite monk, but he had thrown aside the habit, and betaken himself to the practice of medicine in Geneva. He was led to attack Calvin's doctrine of predestination. As soon as Calvin heard of this, he led him to understand that he was not at liberty to question the Genevan doctrine. He and the other clergy dealt with him; but after repeated disputations Bolsec was found incorrigible, and was sentenced to banishment from the city. He ultimately rejoined the Roman Catholic Church, and revenged himself on Calvin by writing his life in a spirit of detraction and slander.
Of all these contests, however, the most memorable is that with Servetus. A melancholy interest encircles the name of this great heretic, which the criminal tragedy of his death keeps always fresh and vivid in the minds of all who hate intolerance, and who love truth rather than dogmatism. The character of Servetus himself has little to do with this interest. He seems to have been more of a vain, restless, and enthusiastic dreamer than of a calm and patient inquirer. In his very dreams, however, and the vague audacities of his speculation there is a kind of simplicity and unconscious earnestness that wins sympathy. He had entered into various connections with Calvin, even from the time of his early residence in Paris; particularly, he had sent him various documents containing the views fully developed in his work subsequently published under the title of Restitutio Christianismi (1553). Calvin never concealed his abhorrence of these views; and in a letter to Farel as early as 1546 he threatens that if Servetus should come to Geneva, he would do what he could to bring him to condign punishment: Nam si venerit, modo valeat mea authoritas, vivum exire nunquam patiar. The history of his seizure and condemnation at Vienne by the Catholic authorities, and especially of Calvin's share in the correspondence which led to his seizure, is very complicated and obscure. It has been maintained that Calvin was the instigator, through a creature of his own of the name of Trye, of the whole transaction; it is certain that he forwarded to the authorities, through Trye, private documents which Servetus had intrusted to him, with a view to the heretic's identification, and as materials for his condemnation. Servetus was sentenced to be burned, but effected his escape, and, after several months' wandering, he was found at Geneva. It was his intention to proceed to Italy, where he hoped his opinions might meet with some degree of toleration, and he arrived at Geneva on his way. This is the explanation of an event otherwise unaccountable. Having ventured to church, according to the common account, he was recognised, apprehended, and conveyed to prison by Calvin's order, just as he was about to leave the city. The trial lasted, with various interruptions, for two months. He attacked Calvin with the most foul epithets, and Calvin retorted with a virulence and foulness quite equal to his own. At length, on the 26th of October 1553, sentence was passed upon Servetus, condemning him to death by fire. Calvin used his influence to have the mode of death alleviated, but without success. On the very next morning, the sentence was put into execution. On an eminence at some distance from the city, Servetus was fastened to a stake surrounded by heaps of oak-wood and leaves, with his condemned book and the MS. he had sent to Calvin attached to his girdle; and amid his agonising cries the fire was kindled, and the wretched man expiated his heresy in the flames. Whatever apologies may be urged for this memorable crime, it must remain a mournful and scandalous blot on the history of the Reformation. The disgrace of it has particularly attached to Calvin, but most of the Reformers are no less implicated in it. The wise Bullinger defended it, and even the gentle Melanchthon could only see cause for gratitude in the hideous tragedy.
After the execution of Servetus, and the expulsion of the Libertines two years later, Calvin's power in Geneva was firmly established, and he used it vigorously and beneficently for the defence of Protestantism throughout Europe. By the mediation of Beza he made his influence felt in France in the great struggle that was there going on between the hierarchical party, with the Guises at its head, and the Protestants, led by Condé and Coligny. In 1561 his energies began to fail. He had been long suffering from bad health, though his strength of will and buoyancy of intellect sustained him; but his health grew very much worse, and, although he survived for more than two years, he never regained any vigour. He died on the 27th of May 1564.
Very different estimates have been formed of Calvin's character. None, however, can dispute his intellectual greatness, or the powerful services which he rendered to the cause of Protestantism. Stern in spirit and unyielding in will, he is never selfish or petty in his motives. Nowhere amiable, he is everywhere strong. Arbitrary and cruel when it suits him, he is yet heroic in his aims, and beneficent in the scope of his ambition. His moral purpose is always clear and definite—to live a life of duty, to shape circumstances to such divine ends as he apprehended, and, in whatever sphere he might be placed, to work out the glory of God.
He rendered a double service to Protestantism, which, apart from anything else, would have made his name illustrious: he systematised its doctrine, and he organised its ecclesiastical discipline. He was at once the great theologian of the Reformation, and the founder of a new church polity, which did more than all other influences together to consolidate the scattered forces of the Reformation, and give them an enduring strength. As a religious teacher, as a social legislator, and as a writer, especially of the French language, whose modern prose style was then in process of formation, his fame is second to none in his age, and must always conspicuously adorn the history of civilisation.
His famous Institutio entitles Calvin to the foremost place among the dogmatic theologians of the Reformed Church. This masterpiece of luminous argument presents a complete system of Christian faith, based on the Protestant principle that the Scriptures are the source of Christian truth. 'Two things there are,' says Hooker in the preface to the Ecclesiastical Polity, 'which have deservedly procured him honour throughout the world—the one, his exceeding pains in composing the Institutions of the Christian Religion; the other, his no less industrious travails for exposition of Holy Scripture.' His commentaries embrace the greater part of the Old Testament and the whole of the New except the Revelation, and place him in the front rank of expositors of Scripture.—The first collected edition of Calvin's works is that of Geneva (1617), in 12 vols. folio; the second that of Amsterdam (1671), in 9 vols. folio. These have been superseded by a complete critical edition by Baum, Cunitz, and Reuss, which began to appear at Brunswick in 1863, and of which the 44th vol. was published in 1890. By the 'Calvin Translation Society' in Edinburgh, his works have been collected, translated into English, and issued in 52 vols. (1844-56).
The question as to the first edition of Calvin's Institutes is finally settled in the Prolegomena to the Brunswick edition of his works. It was published in Latin in the year 1536, and is now extremely rare. The work was revised and extended by Calvin in numerous later editions, both Latin and French. That of Robert Stephens, in 1559, containing Calvin's latest corrections, was reprinted by Tholuck (Berl. 1835; 2d ed. 1846), who also edited his Commentarii in Novum Testamentum (7 vols. Berl. 1833-34; 4th ed., 4 parts, 1864). His letters were published by Bonnet (2 vols. Paris, 1854); in an English translation by Constable and Gilchrist (1855 et seq.); and more fully in vols. 10-15 of the Brunswick edition. The libraries of Geneva and Zurich contain the MSS. of about 3000 unprinted sermons and other short writings by Calvin. Beza's biography of Calvin first appeared in French in 1564 (2d ed., extended, 1565); the Latin edition is shorter (Geneva, 1576; new ed. in French, by Franklin, 1864). There are lives of Calvin by Bolsec (1577; new ed. by Chastel, 1875), by Jaques E. May (1657; new ed. 1835), and by Audin (1840; 6th ed. 2 vols. 1873)—all from the Catholic standpoint; also by T. H. Dyer (1850), Bungener (2d ed. 1863; Eng. trans. 1863), Pressel (1864), Viguet and Tissot (Calvin d'après Calvin, 1864), Guizot (Paris, 1873), and Goguel (2d ed. 1878); and in Germany by Paul Henry (1835-44; Eng. trans. by Stebbing, 2 vols. Lond. 1849), and by Stähelin (1863). Kampschulte, Catholic professor of History at Bonn, left incomplete at his death his valuable Johann Calvin, seine Kirche und sein Staat in Genf (vol. i. 1869). There is a large literature on Servetus and Calvin, as the works of Porter (1854) and Willis (1877). Much light has been thrown on the history of Calvin and Geneva during his time, by Galiffe's Quelques pages d'Histoire exacte, soit les Procès intentés à Genève en 1537-59 (1862), and Nouvelles pages d'Histoire exacte, &c. (1876); Roget's L'Eglise et l'Etat à Genève du vivant de Calvin (1867), and Histoire du Peuple de Genève depuis la Réformation (4 vols. 1875-77); and Schmidt's Les Libertins Spirituels (1876). Noteworthy also are Lobstein, Die Ethik Calvins (Strasburg, 1877), and Pierson, Nouvelle Studien over Joh. Kalvijn, 1536-41 (Amsterdam, 1883).
CALVINISM is the system of religious doctrine associated with the name of Calvin, and supposed to distinguish the churches more particularly called the Reformed, in contradistinction to the Lutheran and Anglican churches. Calvin's doctrinal views are laid down at length in his Institutio Christianæ Religionis, first published in 1536, and finally revised in 1559. It was not till many years later, however, that the name of Calvinism came to be attached to a certain set of doctrinal opinions, and not till the rise of Arminius (q.v.), and the Synod of Dort (q.v.) in 1618, that these opinions may be said to have been polemically marked off from others with which they are generally contrasted, and to which they are recognised as standing in opposition.
The difference of thought expressed in the Arminian and Calvinistic systems is as old as the history of Christian doctrine. In almost every point, Augustine may be said to have anticipated Calvin; while Pelagius and the Eastern divines, such as Chrysostom, represented a type of opinion upon the whole consonant to that which in more modern times has been opposed to Calvinism. In the Roman Catholic Church, since the Reformation, the same opposition of thought has presented itself in the famous contest of Jansenism and Jesuitism.
The main point of distinction in these two systems or modes of Christian opinion is as to the operation of divine grace in the salvation of sinners. In the one system, this operation is considered as predetermined and absolute; in the other, as merely foreseen, and in some sense conditioned. Predestination and Irresistible Grace are the great key-notes of Calvinism—its two main points. Others were added in opposition to Arminianism—viz. Original Sin, Particular Redemption, and the Perseverance of the Saints; but the first of these is not peculiarly Calvinistic, and the last two are merely corollaries from the doctrines of Predestination and Grace. Predestination is, in fact, the one distinguishing doctrine of the system, as it was of Augustinianism, of which Calvinism was merely the revival. The divine will, apprehended as decretive and predestinating, is necessarily irresistible in its efficacy, select in its objects, and persevering in its results. The characteristic of Calvinism, therefore, is that it is a speculative Christian system, springing from a single great principle, carried out rigorously into all its logical consequences.
The Church of England, in its earlier history, was Calvinistic in its Articles, although medieval and Catholic in its ritual. Puritanism was nothing else than a movement to reduce it altogether to a Calvinistic model. In the reaction which followed this movement, the Church of England, while retaining its original articles, nearly parted with its Calvinistic faith; and throughout the 18th century its chief divines are conspicuously Arminian or latitudinarian. But with the revival of the evangelical party in the end of the century Calvinism revived; and it still maintains, if not an absolute sway, yet a powerful influence over many minds in the Anglican establishment, while it is the professed creed of a great proportion of the dissenters.
The Church of Scotland, along with the other Presbyterian churches in the United Kingdom, and the large bodies of Presbyterians in America, all hold to the Westminster Confession of Faith, the most elaborate and formal expression of Calvinistic doctrine that exists. But, while holding to the same Calvinistic standard, these churches show many varieties of actual opinion; and in the history of Presbyterianism Calvinism has shown a tendency to pass into Rationalism or Unitarianism. This is conspicuously the case in the church of Geneva itself, and in some of the old Puritan churches of America. It still remains, however, as opposed to Arminian, Socinian, or any cognate forms of the same type of doctrine, at least one of the most living and powerful among the creeds of the Reformation.