Scotland,

Scotland, the northern part of Great Britain, is washed on the W. and N. by the Atlantic, on the E. by the North Sea, and on the S. is parted from England by the Solway Firth and the (largely artificial) line described in the article BORDERS. Its length, from Cape Wrath to the Mull of Galloway, is 274 miles; its breadth varies between 24 and 146 miles; and its total area is 19,777,490 acres or 30,902 sq. m., of which 631 sq. m. are water and 485 foreshore. The geology, physical geography, meteorology, &c. have already been sketched at GREAT BRITAIN; still, here we may recapitulate the outstanding features of Scotland for purposes of comparison and of reference to innumerable articles scattered throughout this work. Of 787 islands, belonging mostly to the Hebrides, Orkneys, or Shetland, sixty-two exceed 3 sq. m. in area, and of these the largest are Long Island (Lewis and Harris, 859 sq. m.), Skye (643), the Mainland of Shetland (378), Mull (347), Islay (246), Pomona (207), Arran (168), Jura (143), and North Uist (136). Of twenty-six rivers flowing direct to the sea the chief are the Tweed (97 miles long), Forth (75), Tay (93), Dee (87), Don (82), Deveron (62), Spey (96), Clyde (106), and Nith (71); and of these the Forth, Tay, and Clyde expand into important estuaries. There is also the Moray Firth; and indeed the whole coast is so intersected by arms of the sea that few places are more than 40 miles inland. Fresh-water lakes are numerous—Lochs Lomond (27 sq. m.), Ness (19), Awe (16), Shin, Maree, Tay, Earn, Leven, Katrine, &c. The division of Scotland into Highlands and Lowlands, which puzzles strangers, who cannot understand how Wick comes to be Lowland and Inveraray Highland, has been explained at HIGHLANDS. In the Lowlands the highest points are Merrick (2764 feet) in Kirkcudbrightshire, and Broad Law (2723 in Peeblesshire; in the Highlands there are no fewer than 184 summits that exceed 3000 feet above sea-level—among them Ben Nevis (4406), Ben Maedhui (4296), Ben Lawers (4004), Ben Cruachan (3689), Ben Wyvis (3429), and Ben Lomond (3192). See CHEVIOTS, OCHILS, GRAMPIANS, &c.

In the whole of Scotland the percentage of cultivated area is only 24.2—in Fife as high as 74.8, in Sutherland as low as 2.4. Woods cover less than 1400 sq. m.; and there are 1800 acres of orchards, nearly 5300 of market-gardens, and 1400 of nursery grounds. Between 1857 and 1890 the number of horses increased from 185,406 to 189,727, of cattle from 381,053 to 1,185,876, of sheep from 5,683,168 to 7,361,461, and of pigs from 140,354 to 159,674. In 1890 the value of the total mineral output was £10,705,780, including £8,382,957 for 24,278,589 tons of coal (in 1854 only 7,448,000 tons), £534,265 for 998,835 tons of iron ore, and £599,633 for 2,180,483 tons of oil shale. No very reliable figures are published for the manufactures, which are noticed under the various towns (Glasgow, Dundee, Greenock, Aberdeen, Edinburgh, Dunfermline, Hawick, Galashiels, &c.); but in 1890 there were in all Scotland 747 textile factories, with 2,413,735 spindles, 71,471 power-looms, and 154,591 hands. In shipbuilding, during a period of five years, there was a minimum output of 203 vessels of 112,072 tons in 1886, a maximum of 264 of 209,718 in 1890; whilst during that same period foreign and colonial imports ranged between £27,919,943 and £36,771,016, the exports between £18,248,094 and £24,749,907, and the customs between £1,650,950 and £1,789,260. In 1890 at the twenty-seven head ports there entered 53,212 sailing and steam vessels of 14,651,134 tons, and cleared 53,819 of 12,080,812. The length of the railways has grown from 1243 miles in 1857 to 2700 in 1874, and 3118 in 1890.

The gradual growth of the total population has been as follows: (1801) 1,608,420; (1821) 2,091,521; (1841) 2,620,184; (1861) 3,062,294; (1881) 3,735,573; (1891) 4,025,647, of whom 1,942,717 were males, 2,082,930 females, and 254,415 Gaelic-speaking, and of whom 1,589,874 belonged to the nine principal towns, 1,308,821 to the other towns, 1,008,464 to the mainland rural districts, and 125,944 to the insular rural districts. Those nine principal towns are Glasgow (pop. in 1891 of 565,714, or 792,728 with suburbs), Edinburgh (261,261), Dundee (155,640), Aberdeen (121,905), Leith (69,696), Paisley (66,427), Greenock (63,498), Perth (30,760), Kilmarnock (27,959); and the other towns with more than 10,000 inhabitants are Coatbridge (29,996), Kirkcaldy (27,151), Hamilton (24,863), Ayr (24,800), Arbroath (22,960), Dunfermline (22,365), Inverness (19,214), Hawick (19,204), Airdrie (19,135), Motherwell (18,662), Dumfries (17,804), Falkirk (17,307), Galashiels (17,249), Dumbarton (16,908), Stirling (16,895), Wishaw (14,869), Port Glasgow (14,624), Rutherglen (13,361), Montrose (13,048), Forfar (12,844), Peterhead (12,195), Alloa (10,711), and Pollokshaws (10,228).

The officers of state for Scotland are the Secretary for Scotland, the Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal, the Lord Clerk Register, the Lord Advocate, and the Lord Justice-clerk. The duties of the first, appointed under an Act of 1885 (amended 1887), were transferred to him from the Home Secretary, and relate to education, sanitation, manufactures, prisons, &c. For the government of Scotland reference may be made to the articles PARLIAMENT, BOROUGH, and COUNTY, a system similar to that described in the last-named article having been extended to North Britain by the Local Government (Scotland) Act, 1889, with some differences—e.g. that in Scottish county councils there are no aldermen. Under that act a good many changes have been made in the county boundaries, detached portions of Nairn, Perth, Selkirk, &c. being annexed to the counties surrounding them; whilst Orkney and Shetland, united for parliamentary purposes, were dissevered. An act of 1899 gave the parties to private bill legislation the option of conducting great part of the procedure in Scotland.

See P. Hume Brown's Early Travellers in Scotland, 1295-1639 (1891); F. Grose's Antiquities of Scotland (2 vols. 1789-91); Sir John Sinclair's Statistical Account of Scotland (21 vols. 1791-99); Dorothy Wordsworth's Tour in Scotland (ed. by Shairp, 1874); G. Chalmers' Caledonia (3 vols. 1807-24; new ed. Paisley, 7 vols. 1888 et seq.); R. Chambers's Picture of Scotland (2 vols. 1827); the New Statistical Account (15 vols. 1845); Sir Thomas Dick Lauder's Scottish Rivers (ed. by Dr John Brown, 1874); Billings' Baronial and Ecclesiastical Antiquities of Scotland (4 vols. 1848-52); Cosmo Innes' Origines Parochiales Scotie (3 vols. 1850-55); Hugh Miller's Cruise of the Betsey (1858); Sir A. Geikie's Scenery of Scotland viewed in connection with its Physical Geology (1865; 2d ed. 1887); Dean Ramsay's Reminiscences of Scottish Life and Character (22d ed. 1874); J. Anderson, Scotland in Early Christian and Pagan Times (4 vols. 1881-86); F. H. Groome's Ordinance Gazetteer of Scotland (1882-85; 2d ed. 1893-95); C. Rogers' Social Life in Scotland (3 vols. 1884-86); and MacGibbon and Ross's Castellated and Domestic Architecture of Scotland (4 vols. 1886-92). A general reference may suffice to our articles on the counties, towns, rivers, lakes, &c. of Scotland; and special information will be found under a multitude of headings—e.g.:

CIVIL HISTORY.—An account has been given under the article PICTS of the early inhabitants of the country which has long been known by the name of Scotland, but which by the Romans was called Caledonia (q.v.). The original Scotia or Scotland was Ireland, and the Scoti or Scots, at their first appearance in authentic history, were the people of Ireland (q.v.). The Scots were a Celtic race, and their original seat in Northern Britain was in Argyll, which they acquired by colonisation or conquest before the end of the 5th century; and thence they spread themselves along the western coast from the Firth of Clyde to the modern Ross. The name of Scotland seems first to have been given to the united kingdom of the Picts and Scots in the 10th century. It was then sometimes styled, by way of distinction, Scotia Nova (New Scotland), and it was a considerable time afterwards before the name of Scotland was applied to it, to the exclusion of Ireland. This interchange of names was a fruitful source of dispute between Irish and Scottish writers in the 16th and 17th centuries.

The first prince of the British Scots mentioned in our authentic annals was Fergus, son of Erc, who crossed over to Britain about 495 or 498. His nation had been converted to Christianity by St Patrick, and Fergus himself is said to have received the blessing of the saint in his early years. His great-grandson, Conal, was king of the British Scots when Columba (q.v.) began the conversion of the Northern Picts; and by that prince, according to the best authorities, Iona was given for the use of the mission. Conal was succeeded by his nephew, Aidan, who was inaugurated as sovereign by St Columba in the island of Iona—a ceremony which Scottish writers, misled by the great French antiquary Martène, long believed to be the first example of the benediction of kings. Aidan was a powerful prince, and more than once successfully invaded the English border, but in 603, towards the end of his reign, he received a severe defeat from the Northumbrian sovereign Ethelfrid at Dregastane (probably Dawstone in Liddesdale).

The history of Aidan's successors is obscure and uninteresting, except to the professed students of our early history. Their kingdom was overshadowed by the more powerful monarchy of the Picts, with which, as well as with its neighbours in the south—the Britons of Cumbria—it was engaged in almost unceasing conflict. The Scots were for a time under some sort of subjection to the English of Northumbria, but recovered their independence on the defeat and death of King Ecgfrid in battle with the Picts at Nechtansmere (Dunnichen, Forfarshire) in 685. In the middle of the 9th century, by a revolution, the exact nature of which has never been ascertained, the Scots acquired a predominance in Northern Britain. Kenneth Macalpin, the lineal descendant of Fergus and Aidan, succeeded his father as king of the Scots in 836. The Pictish kingdom was weakened by civil dissension and a disputed claim to the crown. Kenneth laid claim to it as the true heir in the female line, and was acknowledged king of Alban in 843.

King Kenneth transferred his residence to Forfeviot in Strathern, which had been the Pictish capital, fixing soon afterwards the ecclesiastical metropolis of the united kingdom at Dunkeld, whence in 908 it was translated to Abernethy. The Picts and Scots, each speaking a dialect of the Celtic tongue, gradually coalesced into one people, whose territory extended from the Firths of Forth and Clyde to the northern extremity of Britain. The crown descended to a line of princes of the family of Kenneth, whose rule gave a unity and comparative tranquillity to the Scots of Britain which those of Ireland, at no time really united under one prince, never possessed. The first interruption to the descent of the crown in the line of Kenneth was the reign of a usurper named Grig, round whose name, amplified to Gregory by the writers of a later age, a cloud of legendary fiction gathered. The old family was restored on his expulsion in 893.

The reign of Constantine, son of Aodh, who succeeded in 904, was a remarkable one. In his time it is probable that the seat of the ecclesiastical primacy was transferred from Abernethy to St Andrews, and that the regal residence was fixed at Scone. At the latter place, in the sixth year of his reign, the chronicles mention that Constantine the king, Kellach the bishop, and the Scots swore to observe the laws and discipline of the faith and the rights of the churches and the gospels. This seems to indicate the meeting of some sort of council, civil or ecclesiastical, or more probably a combination of both, according to the form prevalent at this period both among the Celtic and the Teutonic nations. Even before the establishment of the kingdom of the Picts and Scots in the person of Kenneth, Northern Britain had experienced the attacks of a new enemy, the Scandinavian invaders, generally spoken of under the name of Danes. Constantine resisted them bravely, but towards the end of his reign he entered into an alliance with them in opposition to the English. In 937 a powerful army, composed of Scots and Picts, Britons and Danes, disembarked on the Humber, and was encountered at Brunanburh (q.v.) by Athelstan, king of England. A battle was fought there, the first of a series of unfortunate combats by Scottish princes on English ground. The confederate army was defeated, and, though Constantine escaped, his son was amongst the slain. Weary of strife, the king soon afterwards retired to the Culdee monastery at St Andrews, of which he became abbot, and there died in 953.

During the reign of Malcolm, the first of that name, and the successor of Constantine, a portion of the Cumbrian kingdom, including the modern Cumberland and part of Westmorland, which had been wrested from the Britons by Edmund, king of England, was bestowed by that prince on the Scottish sovereign. This grant was the foundation of that claim of homage made by the English kings on the Scottish sovereigns, which afterwards became the cause or the pretext for the great struggle between the two nations. The northern kingdom was still further increased in the reign of Kenneth, son of Malcolm, by the acquisition of Lothian, and of Northern Cumbria, or Strathclyde. The former province, previously a part of the Northumbrian kingdom, and entirely English in its population, was bestowed on Kenneth by Edgar, king of England. The Cumbrian kingdom, which had at one time extended along the west coast from the Firth of Clyde to the border of Wales, had been weakened by the loss of its southern territories; it was inhabited by a Celtic people speaking Cymric or Welsh, and now fell under the dominion of the Scottish king, though its inhabitants long retained their own speech and a peculiar system of laws (see BRETTS AND SCOTS). The last addition to Scotland in the south took place under Malcolm II., son of Kenneth, who acquired the Merse and Teviotdale from the Earl of Northumbria, and thus advanced his kingdom on the eastern border to the Tweed. The reign of Malcolm II. extended from 1003 to 1033. The kings who immediately followed are better known to the general readers than any of their predecessors, Shakespeare having made their names familiar to every one. Malcolm's successor was his grandson, Duncan, whose brief reign was followed by that of Macbeth (q.v.). The latter was a vigorous and prudent ruler, munificent to the church, and famous as the only Scottish king who made a pilgrimage to Rome. But, although by marriage he was connected with the royal line, he was unable to secure the affection of his subjects. Malcolm, the eldest son of Duncan, assisted by his kinsman, Siward, Earl of Northumbria, invaded Scotland. The usurper was defeated and slain at Lumphanan, in Mar, in 1057, and Malcolm was acknowledged as king.

The long reign of Malcolm Canmore was the commencement of a great social and political revolution in Scotland. His residence in England, and still more his marriage with the English Princess Margaret, the sister of Edgar Atheling, led to the introduction of English customs, the English language, and an English population into the northern and western districts of the kingdom. The influx of English colonists was increased by the tyranny of William the Conqueror and his Norman followers. All received a ready welcome from the Scottish king, whose object it was to assimilate the condition of the Scots in every respect to that of their fellow-subjects in Lothian; and what his stern, though generous, character might have failed to accomplish was brought about by the winning gentleness and Christian graces of his English queen.

Malcolm fell in battle before Alnwick Castle in the year 1093, and Margaret survived only a few days. It seemed as if the work of their reign was about to be utterly overthrown. The Celtic people of Scotland, attached to their old customs, and disregarding the claims of Malcolm's children, raised his brother, Donald Bane, to the throne. The success, however, of this attempt to restore a barbarism which the better part of the nation had outgrown was of brief duration; Donald was dethroned, and Edgar, the eldest surviving son of Malcolm and Margaret, was acknowledged as king. The very name of the new sovereign marked the ascendancy of English influence. That influence, and all the beneficial effects with which it was attended, continued to increase during the reigns of Edgar and his brother and successor, Alexander I. The change went steadily on under the wise and beneficent rule of David (q.v.), the youngest son of Malcolm. His reign, which extended from 1124 to 1153, was devoted to the task of ameliorating the condition of his subjects, and never was such a work more nobly accomplished. David was in every respect the model of a Christian king. Pious, generous, and humane, he was at the same time active and just, conforming himself to the principles of religion and the rules of the church with all the devotion of his mother, but never forgetting that to him, not to the clergy, God had committed the government of his kingdom. He was all that Alfred was to England, and more than St Louis was to France. Had he reigned over a more powerful nation his name would have been one of the best known among those of the princes of Christendom. At the time of David's accession Scotland was still but partially civilised, and it depended in a great measure on the character of its ruler whether it was to advance or recede. It received a permanent stamp from the government of David. The Celtic people were improved morally, socially, and ecclesiastically, and all along the eastern coast were planted Norman, English, and Flemish colonies, which gradually penetrated into the inland districts, and established the language and manners of that Teutonic race which forms the population of the greater part of Scotland. David encouraged and secured the new institutions by introducing a system of written law, which gradually superseded the old Celtic traditional usages, the first genuine collections of Scottish legislation belonging to his reign. David was as great a reformer in the church as in the state. The ecclesiastical system prevalent in Scotland almost up to his time differed in some points from that established in England and on the Continent, bearing a great resemblance to that of Ireland, from which it was indeed derived. David established dioceses, encouraged the erection and endowment of parishes, provided for the maintenance of the clergy by means of tithes, and, displacing the old Celtic monastic bodies, introduced the Benedictine and Augustinian orders.

David, though devoting his energies to the improvement of his subjects in the manner which has been mentioned, did not forget duties of a less agreeable kind. He knew that a Scottish king really held his crown by the tenure of the sword, and none of his fierce ancestors was a more intrepid warrior than the accomplished and saintly David. His skill and courage were shown, though without success, at the Battle of the Standard. As the representative through his mother of the ancient kings of England, he had many friends in that country; and had the Scottish army been successful the history of the two kingdoms might in some respects have been different. As it was, he contented himself with maintaining the cause of his sister's child, the Empress Matilda, against King Stephen.

David's grandson and successor, Malcolm IV. (1153-65), and his brother, William the Lion (1165-1214) pursued the policy of their grandfather with equal resolution, though sometimes with less success. They were embarrassed by their connection with the English King Henry II., who took advantage of his superior power and ability to impose unwise and unjust restraints on the independence of the Scottish sovereigns and their kingdom—a policy which laid the foundation of the unhappy national strife of after years. This was averted for a time by the concessions of Richard I. in 1189. 'For more than a century,' says Lord Hailes, 'there was no national quarrel, no national war between the two kingdoms—a blessed period.' That period was well employed by the next two kings, Alexander II. and Alexander III., the son and grandson of William the Lion, to consolidate the institutions of their kingdom, and extend and confirm what had been begun by David. Alexander III. was one of the ablest and best of the Scottish kings. By a treaty with the king of Norway he added to his kingdom Man and the other islands of the Western Sea, held by the Norwegians. His sudden death in 1286 was one of the greatest calamities with which Scotland could have been afflicted. It closed a period of prosperity—a course of improvement—which the kingdom did not again enjoy for fully 400 years.

On the death of the infant granddaughter and heiress of Alexander III. in 1290 the succession to the crown was disputed. The question between the two chief claimants, Baliol and Bruce (q.v.), was not free from doubt according to the customs of the time; and Edward I. (q.v.) of England, to whom the decision was referred, appears at first to have acted with good faith. But this great king, who had already subdued Wales, was now bent on uniting the British Islands under one sceptre; and in the pursuit of that object he sacrificed humanity, honour, and justice. The results were most deplorable. The national spirit of the Scots was finally roused, and after a long struggle under Wallace and Bruce, in 1314 they secured their independence on the field of Bannockburn (q.v.). The battle of freedom was won; but it was at the expense of tranquillity and civilisation. The border counties were continually wasted by the English; the central provinces were the scene of frequent warfare among the chief nobles; and the highland districts became more and more the seat of barbarism, the Celtic tribes re-acquiring something of their old ascendancy, just as they did in Ireland in the troubled times which followed the invasion of Edward Bruce. The strong arm of King Robert might have repressed these disorders had his life been longer spared after the treaty of Northampton; but his death in 1329 and the accession of an infant son again plunged the country into all the miseries of foreign and civil war. When that son, David II., grew up to manhood he proved in every respect unworthy of his great father. The reigns of this prince and his successors Robert II. and Robert III., the two first princes of the House of Stewart, may be regarded as the most wretched period of Scottish history. In the year 1411 the kingdom would have become absolutely barbarous if the invasion of the Lord of the Isles had not been repulsed at Harlaw (q.v.) by the skill of the Earl of Mar and the bravery of the lowland knights and burgesses.

A happier time began to dawn with the release of James I. in 1424 from his English captivity. The events of the following period are better known, and a brief notice of the most important will be sufficient. Reference may be made for details to the accounts of the particular kings. The vigorous rule of James I. had restored a tranquillity to which his kingdom had long been unaccustomed; but strife and discord were again brought back on his assassination. One of the most calamitous features of the time was a long series of minorities. James himself had succeeded to the crown when a child and a captive; James II., James III., James IV., James V., Mary, and James VI. all succeeded while under age, and all except James IV. when little more than infants. The courage and ability shown by almost all the Stewart princes were insufficient to repair the mischiefs done by others in the beginning of their reigns, and to abate the great curse of the country—the unlimited power and constant feuds of the nobles. The last addition to the Scottish kingdom was made in the reign of James III., when the islands of Orkney and Shetland were made over to him as the dowry of his queen, Margaret of Denmark. The marriage in 1503 of James IV. with Margaret of England was far more important in its ultimate results, and brought about in the reign of his great-grandson that peaceful union with England which the death of the Maid of Norway had prevented in the 13th century. Many good laws were enacted during the reigns of the Jameses; but the wisdom of the Scottish legislature was more shown in framing them than the vigour of the government in enforcing them. Among the most important improvements of the period was the establishment of universities—the first of which, that of St Andrews, was founded during the minority of James I.—and the institution of the College of Justice in the reign of James V.

During the reign of the fifth James religious discord added another element to the evils with which Scotland was afflicted. The practical corruptions of the church were greater than they were almost in any other country in Europe, and one of the consequences was that the principles of the Reformation were pushed further than elsewhere. The first great ecclesiastical struggle had hardly ceased, by the overthrow of the Roman Catholic system, when the strife began anew in the Reformed Communion in the shape of a contest between Episcopacy and Presbyterianism, the former being supported by the sovereign, the latter by the common people, the nobles throwing their weight into either scale as it suited their policy at the time. James VI. struggled hard to establish an absolute supremacy, both in church and state, in opposition to a powerful party, which admitted no royal authority whatever in the former and very little in the latter. After his accession to the English crown he was apparently successful in carrying out his designs, but during the reign of his son, Charles I., the contest again broke out with increased bitterness. The nobility, whose rapacity had been checked by the sovereign, joined the popular party. The opponents of the crown bound themselves together, first by the National Covenant, and afterwards, in alliance with the English Puritans, by the Solemn League and Covenant. Their efforts were completely successful, but their success led to the utter overthrow of the monarchy by Cromwell. See MONTROSE.

The restoration of Charles II. was welcomed by all classes, wearied as they were of a foreign and military rule, but especially by the nobles and gentry, who had learned by bitter experience that the humiliation of the sovereign was necessarily followed by the degradation of their order. Had the government of Charles II. and James VII. been reasonably just and moderate it could hardly have failed in securing general support; but it was more oppressive and corrupt than any which Scotland had experienced since the regencies in the minority of James VI. The natural result was the revolution which seated William and Mary on the throne: the Jacobite victory of Killiecrankie was more than neutralised by the fall of Dundee.

The parliament of Scotland, which met for the last time in 1706, was originally composed, like the English parliament, of three classes—the ecclesiastics (consisting of bishops, abbots, and priors), the barons, and the burgesses. The spiritual lords during the establishment of Episcopacy after the Reformation were composed of bishops only. When Presbyterianism was established at the time of the Covenant, and when it was formally ratified by law at the Revolution, the ecclesiastical estate ceased to have any place in parliament. The barons, or immediate vassals of the crown, at first sat in their own right, whether holding peerages or not; but afterwards the peers alone sat, the others sending their representatives. The burgesses were the representatives of the burghs. All the three estates sat to the very last in one house, the sovereign presiding in person, or through a commissioner named by him.

Hardly had the majority of the nation been successful in the Revolution settlement when many of them began to repent of what they had done, and Jacobitism became more popular than royalist principles had ever been when the House of Stewart was on the throne. The discontent was greatly increased by the fears entertained of English influence. Ancient jealousies had been revived and intensified by the collapse of the Darien Scheme (q.v.). The state of matters grew so threatening after the accession of Queen Anne that the ruling English statesmen became satisfied that nothing short of an incorporating union between the two kingdoms could avert the danger of a disputed succession to the throne and of a civil war. Supported by some of the ablest and most influential persons in Scotland, they were successful in carrying through their design, though it was opposed by a majority of the Scottish people, under such leaders as Fletcher (q.v.). The Act of Union was formally ratified by the parliament of Scotland on the 16th of January 1707. It subsequently received the royal assent, and came into operation on the 1st of May of the same year. The union continued to be unpopular in Scotland for many years, an unpopularity increased by the corrupt means freely used to carry it through. Suspicious were cherished that the national life would pass away with the national separateness, and that the independence of the Scottish church and the distinctness of the national system of jurisprudence would inevitably suffer. There were agitations and petitions for the repeal of the union and the restoration of the national parliament. But the discontent gradually died down; not that the malcontents were silenced by argument but by the logic of facts. The association with the larger and wealthier kingdom of the south opened a vastly wider field to the enterprise for which in all departments of life the 'preferendum ingenium Scotorum' had already been noted; and the rapid growth of prosperity by the extension of old and the establishment of new industries helped to bring about a sense of well-being and content. The peaceful acquiescence of the great majority of the nation in the union was brought out at the time of the Jacobite rebellions of 1715 and 1745 (see JACOBITES); the Porteous Mob (q.v.) was a temporary ebullition of a discontent only partly political. It became patent to all that the consequences of the union were beneficial to both countries; yet Scotland and England are in many respects two countries still, and a Scot abroad, asked if he is an Englishman, will seldom give an affirmative answer.

Scotland and Scotsmen have taken a prominent part in the public affairs and intellectual life of the United Kingdom, in its warfare and colonial expansion; the literature of Scotland blossomed luxuriantly (see below) after the union; Reid and Dugald Stewart founded a school of philosophy (see SCOTTISH PHILOSOPHY), as Jeffrey and Cockburn did a school of criticism; and in the 18th century the 'Modern Athens' was more conspicuously a centre of literary and intellectual culture than at any former period. A long series of scientific worthies connects the days of Napier of Merchiston with those of Lord Kelvin (Sir William Thomson) and Professor Tait—including in mathematics, physics, and chemistry the Gregories, Simson, Black, Brewster, J. D. Forbes, Clerk-Maxwell, and Macquorn Rankine; in engineering and steam navigation, Watt, Rennie, Telford, Symington, Henry Bell, Fairbairn, and the Stevensons; in geology, almost all the greatest British names—Hutton, Playfair, Hall, Murchison, and Lyell; in zoology, Edward Forbes and Wyville Thomson; Brown the great botanist; and in medicine and surgery, the dynasties of Gregories, Cullens, Monros, Hunters, and Bells, Simpson, Liston, and Syme. Paterson and Law, founders of the Bank of England and the Bank of France, were Scotsmen. Erskine and Campbell sat on the woolsack of England, Sir Alexander Cockburn was Lord Chief-justice. Of painters, Jameson, Allan, Nasmyth, Thomson, Raeburn, Wilkie, Dyce, David Scott, Phillip, and MacCulloch may be named, with the brothers Adam, architects. Amongst soldiers have been Marshal Keith, Marshal Stair, Abercromby, Moore, Heathfield, Lyncdoch, and Lord Clyde; amongst sailors, Camperdown and Dundonald; and there have never failed Scottish travellers and explorers from the days of Bruce 'the Abyssinian' to those of Livingstone and Joseph Thomson.

The 'Scot abroad' was always a familiar phenomenon equally in French universities and in French, Austrian, Swedish, and Russian armies; and Scotsmen have not since then become a race of stay-at-homes. From a paper in the Scottish Geographical Magazine for 1885 it appears that, apart from the incalculable numbers of persons of Scottish descent in the south, there were then in England and Wales upwards of 253,000 persons of Scottish birth. Sir Charles Dilke has said (in Greater Britain), 'In British settlements from Canada to Ceylon, from Dunedin to Bombay, for every Englishman you meet who has worked himself up to wealth from small beginnings without external aid, you find ten Scotsmen.' Yet the comparative numbers of Scotsmen in the colonies are not so great as this statement suggests; in the various Australian colonies they vary from a fifth to a seventh of the total number of colonists born in the United Kingdom; in New Zealand about one-third; in

Canada settlers of Scottish descent are to those of English descent as 70 to 100; in the United States the Scottish born are not a fourth of the English born citizens. Eminent English statesmen like Mr Gladstone have been of purely Scotch descent. Sweden has its Hamiltons, Germany Douglasses; the great philosopher Kant, the Russian poet Lermontoff, the Norwegian composer Grieg bear Scottish names more or less modified.

See the 'Historians of Scotland' series (10 vols. 1871-80), comprising the chronicles of Fordun and Wyntoun, the lives of SS. Ninian, Kentigern, and Columba, the Critical Essay on the Ancient Inhabitants of Scotland, by Father Innes (q.v.), &c.; the History of Bede, the Irish Annals, and especially Skene's Celtic Scotland (3 vols. 1876-8); new ed. 1886). For the period down to the Reformation may be added the Chronicles of Melrose and Lanercost, Leslie's and Buchanan's Histories, E. W. Robertson's Scotland under her Early Kings (2 vols. 1862), and the Acts of the Scottish Parliament. For the period from the Reformation to the Union—Knox's, Calderwood's, Spottiswoode's, and Robertson's Histories, Baillie's Letters, Wodrow's and Burnet's Histories, the Acts of Parliament, and the State Papers. The Scotch Records publications include The Exchequer Rolls of Scotland, Accounts of Lord High Treasurer, Register of Privy-council, Documents illustrating Scottish History. See also Pinkerton's Inquiry; Hailes's Annals; the histories by Tytler, Laing, Hill Burton, Hume Brown (vol. i. 1899), and Lang (vol. i. 1899), with smaller works by Mackenzie and Macarthur; Chambers's Domestic Annals; the works of Cosmo Innes; Hill Burton's Scot Abroad; Mackintosh's History of Civilisation in Scotland (1878-84), his Scotland from the Earliest Times to the Present Century (1890); and the Duke of Argyll's Scotland as it was and as it is (1887); besides works on special periods. Additional references may be found by consulting articles in this work, such as GOWRIE CONSPIRACY, JACOBITES, &c., and the lives of the kings and other great personages of Scottish history. For the royal arms of Scotland, see HERALDRY, Vol. V. p. 669.

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY.—Christianity in Scotland dates from the 4th century, but its beginnings are obscure. What we know centres mainly round the lives of the great Celtic missionaries, Ninian, Kentigern, and Columba, and may be traced in the articles on them, as also in those on Adamnan, on Cuthbert, on the Culdees, and on the Picts. The connection of St Palladius, 'chief apostle of the Scottish nation,' with Scotland seems mythical; he is said to have been sent 'in Scotiam' in 430 by Pope Celestine; but the 'Scotia' here meant was certainly Ireland, and Skene doubts if Palladius was ever in Scotland till after his death, when St Teruan brought his relics to Fordoun in Kincardineshire. The doctrines of the ancient Scottish Church were the same as those of the rest of Western Christendom. In ritual there were some points of difference, but so slight that the most important related to the time of observing the Easter festival. In these points also the Scots gradually conformed to the usage of the Roman and English Churches. In one point, however, there continued for several centuries to be a marked distinction between the Scots and Irish on the one hand and the churches of England and the Continent on the other. This was in reference to ecclesiastical government. The Scots recognised the same orders of the ministry, bishops, priests, and deacons, as other Christians did; and like them they held that ordination could be given only by bishops. But they acknowledged no such supremacy of jurisdiction in the episcopal order as was held by other churches. In Scotland there were neither dioceses nor parishes; but there were numerous monasteries in which the abbots, whether bishops or priests, bore the chief rule, all being in subordination to the successor of St Columba, the presbyter-abbot of Iona, who in virtue of that office was primate of the Picts and Scots.

When Iona was desolated by the Northmen the primacy seems to have been transferred in the middle of the 9th century to the Abbots of Dunkeld, then to the Bishops of Abernethy, and finally to the Bishops of St Andrews, who became known as Episcopi Scotorum, the bishops of the Scots. Slowly at first, but gradually, an assimilation to the English and continental usages began, a change rendered more easy by the Scottish dominion being extended over Lothian, in which the ecclesiastical system was the same as that of England. A great impulse was given in the same direction by the marriage of Malcolm III., king of the Scots, with Margaret the sister of Edgar Atheling. The king and queen used their utmost efforts to introduce the English usages in ecclesiastical as in other matters; and Margaret herself held repeated conferences for that purpose with the chief Scottish ecclesiastics, at which her husband acted as interpreter. The principal points in which she attempted to bring about a reform were the commencement of the Lent fast, the superstitions infrequency of receiving the communion, and the lax observance of Sunday and of the scriptural and canonical restrictions on marriage between relations.

The reform begun by Malcolm and Margaret was fully carried out by their youngest son, David I. These improvements were completed by his successors, and before the end of the 12th century the ecclesiastical system of Scotland differed in no important point from that of the rest of Europe. Some Scottish writers have lamented the change, as being one from purity of belief and practice to superstition and immorality. This is undoubtedly a mistake. The Celtic Church had become very corrupt, and the clergy were inferior both in learning and morals to their brethren in the south. King David was a reformer in the best sense of the word, and it does not detract from the character of his reformation that as time went on the Scottish Church became involved in those superstitions with which the rest of Christendom was overspread.

The ritual of the Scottish mediæval church was almost the same as that of England, the Salisbury Missal and Breviary being the models of the Liturgies and Office Books used in Scotland. The external system of the church—cathedral, parochial, and monastic—was also in almost every point identical. The chief monastic orders were the Benedictine and its most important branches the Clugniac and Cistercian, the canons regular of St Augustine, and the Reformed Premonstratensian canons. The Clugniacs and Cistercians were in strict subordination to the mother-houses of their orders at Clugny and Cîteaux. In the 13th century the Dominican, Franciscan, and Carmelite friars were introduced into Scotland. The chapters of all the Scottish cathedrals, except those of St Andrews and Whithorn, were composed of secular canons—the chief dignitaries being a dean, archdeacon, chancellor, precentor, and treasurer. The prior and canons regular of the Augustinian monastery at St Andrews formed the chapter of that see, and the prior and Premonstratensian canons of Whithorn formed the chapter of the cathedral of Galloway. There were twelve dioceses in the Scottish Church, to which Orkney was added on the transference of those islands to the Scottish sovereign in the 15th century. The twelve dioceses were Caithness, Ross, Moray, Aberdeen, Brechin, Dunkeld, Dunblane, St Andrews, Argyll, the Isles, Glasgow, and Galloway. The larger of these dioceses were divided, like the English dioceses, into rural deaneries. The single point in which the mediæval church down to the 15th century differed from that of England and other churches of the west was in its having no metropolitan. St Andrews, and next to it Glasgow, had a certain precedence; the bishops of the former see, and failing them the bishops of the latter, having the privilege of crowning and anointing the sovereign. But they had no jurisdiction over the other sees, nor did their bishops bear the style of archbishop. This led to claims on the part of the Archbishops of York to metropolitan authority in Scotland, which had no foundation except in regard to the southern portion of the diocese of St Andrews and the see of Galloway, the bishops of which were for several centuries suffragans of York. The court of Rome found it convenient, for the sake of its own privileges, to encourage this anomalous system; but to provide for the meetings of the Scottish bishops in provincial council a bull of Pope Honorius III. in 1225 authorised them to meet in synod. In virtue of this bull the bishops, abbots, priors, and other chief ecclesiastics, with representatives of the capitular, collegiate, and conventual bodies, assembled annually in provincial synod, sitting in one house under the presidency of a conservator chosen by and from the bishops. The chief government of the church under the pope thus devolved on these synods and their elective presidents. This continued until the erection of St Andrews into an archiepiscopal and metropolitan see, in virtue of a bull of Pope Sixtus IV. in 1472. By this bull all the Scottish sees were made suffragans to that of St Andrews, whose bishops were now to be styled archbishops.

In 1492 Glasgow was raised to the dignity of a metropolitan see by a bull of Pope Innocent VIII., and the bishops of Dunkeld, Dunblane, Galloway, and Argyll were made suffragans to its archbishop, an arrangement which was soon afterwards altered to some extent—Dunkeld and Dunblane being reannexed to St Andrews, and Glasgow having for its suffragan sees those of Galloway, Argyll, and the Isles. This last arrangement continued till the Reformation, and afterwards during the establishment of Episcopacy—the two Scottish archbishops occupying towards each other precisely the same position as the Archbishops of Canterbury and York, and being sometimes involved in the same unseemly broils, in regard to jurisdiction and precedence, which long existed between the English metropolitans.

The ignorance and immorality of the clergy were far worse than they were in England, or perhaps anywhere in Europe, except in the Scandinavian churches. The desire for reformation which led to the proceedings of Huss and Wyclif produced similar effects in the Scottish kingdom. As early as the year 1406 or 1407 James Resby, an English priest and a disciple of Wyclif, was burned at Perth; and in 1433 Paul Crawar, a Bohemian Hussite, was burned at St Andrews. The opinions of Wyclif continued to be privately taught, particularly in the south-western counties, where his followers were known by the name of the Lollards (q.v.) of Kyle. In the following century the intercourse with the Continent was frequent and close, and the effects of Luther's preaching and writings were soon felt in Scotland. In the year 1525 the importation of Lutheran books and the propagation of the Reformer's tenets were forbidden by an act of the Scottish parliament; and in February 1528 Patrick Hamilton, abbot of Ferne, was burned at St Andrews for teaching and publishing Lutheran doctrines. The piety of Hamilton and the patience with which he bore his sufferings induced others to follow his teaching and example. Several persons, both ecclesiastics and laymen, were subsequently burned, and many more fled to England or the Continent.

The persecution, though encouraged or permitted by the bishops, was disapproved of by some ecclesiastics of learning and influence, who were desirous of effecting a reform in the church without breaking off from communion with the hierarchy. The efforts of this school were unsuccessful, and the Scottish nation was gradually divided into two parties—one of which, headed by the bishops and supported by the state, was determined to resist all change; and the other, composed of a considerable number of the clergy both regular and secular, of the gentry, and of the burgesses of the large towns, was disposed to carry its reforming principles far beyond what had been done by Luther and Melanchthon. These two parties came into deadly conflict in 1546. On the 28th of February in that year George Wishart, the most eloquent of the Reforming preachers, was condemned to death by an ecclesiastical court—at which Cardinal Beaton, Archbishop of St Andrews, presided—and was burned. On the 28th of May following the cardinal was murdered by Norman Leslie and other adherents of the Reforming party. The struggle continued during the regency of the Earl of Arran and that of Mary of Lorraine, the mother of Mary, the young queen of Scots.

In the year 1559 the Reformers became strong enough to set the regent at defiance. Various circumstances encouraged them to demand freedom for their opinions, particularly the death of Mary of England and the accession of Elizabeth. They were further animated at this time by the return from Geneva of their chief preacher, John Knox. The conflict was to be decided by other than spiritual weapons. The regent and the Reformed party, now known by the name of the Congregation, met in open warfare. The contest was carried on for a twelvemonth, and ended in the triumph of the Congregation. A parliament met at Edinburgh on the 1st of August 1560. The Reforming party had the complete ascendancy, and succeeded in passing several acts by which the jurisdiction of the pope was abolished, the mass was proscribed, and a Confession of Faith drawn up by Knox and his associates was ratified, the spiritual lords making a faint resistance.

The new Confession of Faith adhered in all essential articles of belief to the ancient creeds of the church. In regard to the sacraments it differed entirely from the recent teaching of the Western Church; but its language, on the whole, was moderate and conciliatory. In reference to ceremonies and the details of church polity it declared that such things were temporary in their nature, and not appointed for all times and places, and that they ought to be altered when they fostered superstition and ceased to be conducive to edification.

A Book of Discipline was soon afterwards drawn up by the compilers of the Confession, which was generally approved of, but did not receive the sanction of parliament. It followed out in detail the principles laid down in the Confession. In regard to the office-bearers of the church various orders were mentioned, but three were specially of importance—ministers, elders, and deacons. Ministers were to be chosen by each several congregation, but were to be examined and admitted in public by the ministers and elders of the church. No other ceremony, such as imposition of hands, was to be used. The elders and deacons were to be chosen yearly in each congregation, and were not to receive any stipend, because their office was only to be from year to year and because they were not to be debarred from attending to their own private occupations. In order to the better provision for the wants of the time certain persons called superintendents were appointed in particular districts, with power to plant and erect churches and to appoint ministers within the bounds of their jurisdiction.

The chief governing as well as legislative and judicial power in the Reformed Church was entrusted to a General Assembly, which met half-yearly or yearly, and was composed of the superintendents, ministers, and lay commissioners, and which gradually, by the introduction of the system of representation, assumed the form and more than the power of a parliament.

The worship of the Reformed Church was modelled on that established by Calvin at Geneva. It was embodied in a formulary called the Book of Common Order, which for nearly a century continued to be generally used. It contained forms for the ordinary worship both on Sundays and weekdays, and for the administration of the sacraments, and for certain other occasions. The minister was not absolutely restricted to these forms. Except in the singing of Psalms, the people took no direct part in ordinary worship, and there was no distinction of ecclesiastical seasons, all holidays whatever except Sunday being abolished.

The form of church government established at the Reformation did not remain long undisturbed. Some of the most zealous Protestants thought the danger to which the church was exposed from state tyranny and aristocratical oppression could best be met by restoring the bishops to their ancient position both in the church and in the parliament; while others of equal zeal and sincerity saw in this only the commencement of a plan for bringing back all the errors of popery. A scheme of this kind was actually established for some time, and the sees were filled with Protestant bishops set apart for the office by their brethren of the ministry. It was almost immediately attacked by some of the ministers, who soon found a leader in Andrew Melville, a scholar of considerable eminence, who returned to Scotland in 1574, after a residence in Geneva, during which he had ardently embraced the new opinions as to ecclesiastical government maintained by Beza.

The struggle continued for some years, the bishops being encouraged by the sovereign and his advisers, whose support was frequently of little real advantage to them, and Melville receiving the zealous assistance of many of the ministers, and of the great body of the common people, who sympathised with him in his democratic theories of civil and ecclesiastical government. Melville was at last entirely successful. His opinions were embodied in what was called the Second Book of Discipline, which received the formal sanction of the General Assembly in 1581. This formulary differed very much from the First Book. It laid down authoritatively those principles in regard to ecclesiastical authority which the English Puritans were vainly striving to establish in the southern kingdom, and was in reality an attempt to make the civil power subordinate to the ecclesiastical, even in matters secular. It recognised four orders of office-bearers in the church, the Pastor, Minister, or Bishop, the Doctor, the Presbyter or Elder, and the Deacon. These were to be set apart by ordination and the imposition of the hands of the eldership, but no one was to be intruded into any office contrary to the will of the congregation or without the voice of the eldership. Four sorts of church courts, each rising above the other, were sanctioned; first, of particular congregations one or more; second, of a province or what was afterwards called the Provincial Synod; third, of a whole nation; and fourth, of the universal church. What is generally regarded as the most essential feature of the Presbyterian system—the Presbytery—was not yet introduced in its proper form, the lowest court being a combination of what were afterwards known as the Presbytery and the Kirk-session. It was, however, introduced before the year 1592, when the privileges of general and provincial assemblies, presbyteries, and parochial sessions were ratified by parliament, though the Book of Discipline itself did not receive any formal sanction.

King James had agreed to the establishment of Presbyterianism, but personally and as a sovereign he disliked its discipline, and he soon endeavoured to overthrow it. His accession to the crown of England enabled him to do this with more authority. He gradually obtained from the General Assembly a recognition of the civil rights of the bishops, and this led to the restoration of their ecclesiastical privileges. His changes were sanctioned by a General Assembly which met at Glasgow in 1610, and in the course of the same year Episcopacy was restored in reality, as well as in name, by the consecration of three Scottish prelates by four of the English bishops at London.

The king wished to assimilate the Scottish Church as far as possible to that of England, and his next important movement was the establishment of what are called the Five Articles of Perth (see PERTH).

These various changes excited great dissatisfaction in Scotland, particularly in the southern counties, but it gradually abated to a considerable extent, and might have altogether ceased had not further innovations been attempted. It was the wish of James to introduce a prayer-book like that of the English Church in place of the Book of Common Order, but he saw the danger with which the proposal was attended, and gave it up or postponed it. His son Charles was as inferior to his father in prudence as he excelled him in conscientiousness and religious zeal. During his first visit to Scotland he added another bishopric—that of Edinburgh—to the dioceses of the Scottish Church. Most unwisely and most improperly he endeavoured by his royal authority to introduce into that church a Book of Canons and a Liturgy framed on the model of those of England. The king had many loyal supporters in all parts of Scotland, and in the north Episcopacy was preferred by the people to Presbyterianism. But the storm of popular indignation which was now roused swept everything before it. The king's opponents banded themselves together by the National Covenant, and at a General Assembly held at Glasgow abolished the Perth Articles and Episcopacy and re-established Presbyterianism. Charles attempted to maintain his claim by the sword, but was unsuccessful, and obliged to ratify in parliament all that had been done by his opponents.

Had the Covenanters been satisfied with the victory which they had won Presbyterianism might have remained the established religion of the Scottish kingdom. But they could not resist the entreaties for aid from the English Puritans, or rather they yielded to the delusion of extending their own discipline over the churches of England and Ireland. They just attempted, in an opposite direction, what James and Charles had failed to accomplish. For a time their policy seemed to triumph. The Solemn League and Covenant of the three kingdoms, after having been approved by the General Assembly in Scotland, was signed by the Assembly of Divines which the parliament had summoned to meet at Westminster and by the parliament itself. The ecclesiastical documents which were afterwards drawn up originated with the Assembly of Divines, but were sanctioned by the Assembly in Scotland. The principal of these were a Directory for Public Worship, a Confession of Faith, and a Larger and Shorter Catechism. The first of these documents was intended to supersede the Book of Common Prayer in England, and indirectly the Book of Common Order in Scotland. It laid down certain general rules in regard to public worship and the administration of the sacraments, but left very much to the discretion of the particular ministers and congregations.

The union between the Scottish and English Puritans was dissolved by the ascendancy of the Independents. Scotland, distracted by civil and ecclesiastical dissension, was unable to defend itself against Cromwell. It was conquered and kept thoroughly under subjection by the English army, which forbade the meetings of the General Assembly, but left the other courts and the rest of the church system as they were before. At the Restoration the higher classes generally, who had suffered under the ecclesiastical tyranny of the ministers, were zealous for the re-establishment of Episcopacy. The greater part of the nation, except in the south-western provinces, was indifferent, and the king experienced no difficulty in restoring the bishops to their former rights both in church and state. But Episcopacy alone was restored; there was no attempt to introduce a liturgy, or even to enforce the observance of the Perth Articles. The new primate, Archbishop Sharp, was an able man of good moral character, but ambitious and overbearing, and the Covenanters never forgave his change from Presbyterianism, though he had always belonged to the more moderate of the two parties into which the church was divided. He was almost the only one of the bishops who enjoyed political influence; and, unfortunately for himself and the hierarchy, that influence was generally used to encourage, not to restrain, the severe measures of the government. When the primate was assassinated that severity became a cruel tyranny, and many who had no predilection for any particular ecclesiastical opinions were ready to welcome the change which took place at the Revolution.

When the Scottish Estates met in 1689 to consider what course was to be adopted in the northern kingdom the bishops declined to abandon King James. Whatever might have been the consequences had they taken an opposite course, this resolution was fatal to the Episcopal establishment. William and Mary were called to the throne, and Prelacy was declared to be an insupportable grievance and was abolished. In the following year Presbyterianism was re-established, and the Westminster Confession of Faith was ratified as the national standard of belief, and the right of patrons to nominate to ecclesiastical benefices was taken away. In the end of the same year a General Assembly was held, the first which had been allowed to meet since its dissolution by the order of Cromwell. It was composed as before of ministers and elders from the various presbyteries and of elders from the burghs and universities, and was presided over by a lay commissioner named by the crown and a minister elected by the members as moderator. With the exception of some years in the reign of William, the Assembly has continued to meet annually since the Revolution and to transact business during the periods when it was not in session by a commission named by itself for the purpose. The other chief ecclesiastical events of William's reign were a series of vain attempts on the part of the sovereign to bring about a comprehension of the Episcopal clergy with those of the Establishment and the passing by the Assembly in 1697 of what was called the 'Barrier Act,' which guarded against sudden legislation by providing that no permanent act should be passed until it had received the approbation of the majority of the presbyteries.

During the reign of Queen Anne and in the year

1707 England and Scotland were united into one kingdom. A special statute was passed for the security of the Protestant religion and Presbyterian church government in the latter country; providing that these should continue without any alteration in time to come, and confirming the act of William and Mary which ratified the Confession of Faith and settled the Presbyterian form of church government.

In the year 1712 an act was passed by the British parliament which restored to patrons in Scotland their right of presentation to benefices. This statute excited great discontent among the members of the Established Church, and for many years attempts were made to obtain a repeal of it. These attempts were unsuccessful, but its provisions were long practically disregarded. When at length the General Assembly began to act upon it the dissatisfaction increased among those who held the divine right of the people to choose their own ministers. The leader of the discontented party was a minister named Ebenezer Erskine, and he with his adherents in the year 1733 finally separated from the Establishment and formed a communion which took the title of the Associate Presbytery, though its members were popularly known as the Seceders. The Seceders themselves were soon divided by a dispute as to whether it was consistent with principle to take the Burgher's oath of allegiance into two bodies, called the Burgher and Anti-burgher Synods. In the year 1761 another secession from the Establishment took place in connection with the law of patronage; and the separated body assumed the name of the Presbytery of Relief.

There were no further secessions for nearly a century; but the church was divided into two parties, known as the Moderates and Evangelicals, the former of whom were favourable, the latter hostile, to the law of patronage. For many years the Moderates, headed by Dr Robertson the historian and others of his school, and supported by the influence of the government, maintained an ascendancy in the General Assembly and throughout the country. In the later years of George III. and during the reign of George IV. this ascendancy began to decrease. The political excitement which prevailed in the beginning of the reign of William IV. strongly affected the Scottish Establishment, which from its very constitution is peculiarly liable to be moved by the impulses of popular feeling. The two parties in the General Assembly engaged in a struggle more fierce than any in which they had yet met; and the subject of dispute as before was immediately connected with the law of patronage. Dr Chalmers, the most distinguished minister in Scotland, added the whole weight of his influence to the popular party, and in 1834 an interim act of Assembly was passed, known as the Veto Act, which declared it to be a fundamental law of the church that no pastor should be intruded on any congregation contrary to the will of the people, and laid down certain rules for carrying out this principle. The legality of this act was doubted; and in connection with a presentation to the parish of Auchterarder the presentee, on being rejected by the presbytery in terms of the Veto Act, appealed, with concurrence of the patron, to the Court of Session—the supreme civil court in Scotland. That court decided that the conduct of the presbytery in rejecting the presentee was illegal, and their judgment was affirmed by the House of Lords. Other cases of a similar nature followed, and something like a conflict took place between the civil and ecclesiastical courts, the former enforcing their sentences by civil penalties, the latter suspending and deposing the ministers who obeyed the injunctions of the Court of Session. In the

General Assembly of 1843 the dispute came to a crisis. A large number of ministers and elders of the popular party left the Assembly and met apart in a similar body, of which Dr Chalmers was chosen moderator. They formed themselves into a separate communion under the title of 'The Free Church of Scotland,' and gave up their benefices in the Established Church and all connection whatever with that body. The Free Church carried off about one-half of the members of the Establishment and became a rival communion in most of the parishes. By an act of parliament in 1874 patronage was abolished in the Established Church and the right of choosing the minister transferred to the congregation.

In 1820 the Burgher and Anti-burgher Seceders were united under the name of the Associate Synod of the Secession Church; and in 1847 this Associate Synod and the Relief Synod were united under the name of 'The United Presbyterian Church.' Negotiations for a union of the United Presbyterian Church and the Free Church (q.v.), ineffective in 1873, were crowned by the formation in October 1900 of the United Free Church. Meanwhile agitation for the disestablishment of the Church of Scotland has not made more cordial the relations between the mother-church and her daughter-churches.

Episcopal Church in Scotland.—It is a common but erroneous opinion that almost all the Episcopal clergy were Jacobites from the time of the accession of William and Mary. The bishops were so (see NONJURORS); but a large number, probably a considerable majority of the clergy, had at first no objection to take the oath of allegiance to the new government. During the reign of Queen Anne the Episcopal clergy were well disposed to the government, knowing the queen's good wishes to their communion. They were frequently harassed by the courts of the Establishment; but all who were willing to take the oaths obtained an ample protection for their worship on the passing of the Toleration Act of 1712. On the death of the queen almost all the clergy and most of the laity were involved directly or indirectly in the attempts to overthrow the Hanoverian dynasty, and it was this which finally made the names of Episcopalian and Jacobite for many years to be convertible terms.

In the meantime the succession of bishops had been kept up by new consecrations, and after some years the dioceses, though diminished in number, were regularly filled. An important change took place in the forms of worship. No longer trammelled by their connection with the state, they adopted liturgical forms similar to those in the English Prayer-book, and in almost all cases identical, except that many of the congregations used an Office for the communion modelled on that of the Scottish Liturgy of King Charles I. The Episcopalian took no such open part in the insurrection of 1745 as they did in that of 1715, but their sympathies were known to be with the House of Stewart; and the government carried through parliament some intolerant acts, which were put in execution with great harshness, and which for many years suppressed all public worship in the Episcopal communion. It was only after the accession of George III. that these statutes ceased to be actively enforced; and it was not till 1792 that the Episcopalian, who from the death of Prince Charles had acknowledged the reigning dynasty, were relieved from the penal laws. The act which gave this relief imposed restrictions on their clergy officiating in England and prohibited their holding benefices in the English Church. In 1804 the bishops and clergy agreed to adopt the Thirty-nine Articles of the Church of England, and in 1863 the Prayer-book was adopted as the authorised service-book of the Episcopal Church, permission being given in certain cases to use the Scottish Communion Office. The restrictions imposed on the Scottish clergy by the Act of 1792 were modified by an act passed in 1840; and in 1864 they were entirely removed, the right being reserved to bishops in England and Ireland to refuse institution to a Scottish clergyman without assigning any reason, on his first presentation to a benefice in England or Ireland, but not after he should have once held such benefice.

The dioceses of the Scottish Episcopal Church are seven in number—viz. Moray, Aberdeen, Brechin, Argyll, St Andrews, Edinburgh, and Glasgow. The bishops are chosen by the clergy of the diocese and by representatives of the lay communicants, a majority of both orders being necessary to a valid election. One of the bishops, under the name of Primus, chosen by the other bishops, presides at all meetings of the bishops, and has certain other privileges, but possesses no metropolitan authority. The highest judicial body is the Episcopal College, composed of all the bishops. The highest legislative body is a General Synod, composed of two houses, the one of the bishops, the other of the deans and the representatives of the clergy. There is also a Church Council, composed of the bishops, clergy, and representatives of the laity, which meets yearly, and is recognised as the organ of the church in matters of finance.

Roman Catholic Church.—The ecclesiastical revolution of 1560 by no means extinguished the Roman Catholic Church. An act of parliament was indeed passed making the saying or hearing of mass a crime punishable by confiscation of goods and imprisonment for the first offence, banishment for the second, and death for the third. Under its provisions Archbishop Hamilton and some few other priests were thrown into prison in 1563. The bishops for the most part were cowed and helpless, and a number of priests fled the country. Nevertheless, many noblemen and a large part of the population, especially in the north, remained faithful at heart to the old religion, and were till the end of the century a formidable political power upon which the partisans of Queen Mary in England, the Guises, and the king of Spain could rely in their projects against the throne of Elizabeth. Missionaries, chiefly Jesuits, came into the country to keep alive as best they could the decaying faith. The sufferings of both priests and people were extreme, yet notwithstanding the bitter hostility displayed by the kirk with whom the eocrcive power lay, it is notable that only one priest, John Ogilvy the Jesuit, suffered the penalty of death (1615), and this not on the ground of his priestly office, but for language which was, not unnaturally, judged to be treasonable.

The Scottish Roman Catholics suffered also for a long time from the want of any regular ecclesiastical organisation. In 1598 the secular clergy were placed under the jurisdiction of the newly-appointed archpriest of England, George Blackwell, and in like manner continued to be subject to Dr William Bishop, the first vicar-apostolic of England and Scotland, in 1623. It was not until nearly a century after the Reformation (1653) that they were granted a 'prefect' of the mission in the person of William Ballantyne. Meanwhile measures were taken to keep up the supply of missionary priests by the foundation of seminaries abroad. Clement VIII. founded the Scots college at Rome in 1600. In 1612 a seminary originally set up at Tournai, after many wanderings, was finally established at Douai. A college was opened at Madrid in 1633, and subsequently transferred to Valladolid. Another seminary was established at a later period in connection with the Scottish monastery at Ratisbon. During the whole of the 17th and 18th centuries, or until the episcopate of the illustrious convert from Protestantism, Dr William Hay (1769-1811), the fortunes of the Scottish Catholics were at a very low ebb. Bishop Hay founded in 1799 a seminary at Aquhortlies near Inverurie, and provided Catholics with a new literature.

A report made to Rome in 1679 estimated the total number of Catholic communicants at 14,000. Of these 12,000 belonged to the Highlands, where, however, there were only 3 or 4 priests. In 1705 there were said to be 160 Catholics in Edinburgh, 5 in Leith, and 12 in Glasgow. Certain districts of the Highlands and Islands named as exclusively Catholic are South Uist and Barra, Canna, Rum and Muck, Knoydart and Morar, Arisaig, Moydart and Glengarry, in which places there were about 4500 Catholics. The district of Braemar contained 500. There were at this time 36 priests on the mission in all Scotland. The number of Catholics in the country about the year 1779 has been estimated at from 20,000 to 30,000, while it is said that not more than twenty of these possessed land worth a hundred a year. A very great increase, chiefly owing to the influx of Irishmen, took place at the beginning of the 19th century. In 1800 Edinburgh and Leith contained 1000 Catholics; in 1829, 14,000. In the latter year there were 25,000 in Glasgow, 1500 in Perth, 1400 at Preshome, 1500 in Glengarry, 1000 in Dumfries, and 3000 in Aberdeen—the whole Catholic population being reckoned about this time at 70,000, including the bishops and 50 priests. In 1890 there were in Scotland 338,643 Catholics (220,000 in Glasgow alone), 332 chapels, and 350 priests.

The first bishop appointed as vicar-apostolic for Scotland was Thomas Nicolson (1695). The vicariate was divided into a Lowland District and Highland District in 1731, and into three districts in 1828. The Hierarchy, consisting of two archbishops, St Andrews and Edinburgh, and Glasgow, and four bishops suffragans of the former, was established by Leo XIII., March 4, 1878. St Mary's College at Blairs, 6 miles south-west of Aberdeen (whither the seminary was removed from Aquhortlies in 1829), has a president and four professors.

The chief original authorities for the ecclesiastical history of Scotland down to the Revolution are the same as those mentioned in the article on the Civil History, to which may be added Theiner's Vetera Monumenta Hibernorum et Scotorum and Joseph Robertson's Concilia Scotice (2 vols., Bannatyne Club, 1866). The chief modern authorities are Cook's History of the Reformation and History of the Church of Scotland; Principal Lee's Lectures (1860); Principal Cunningham's Church History of Scotland (2d ed. 1883); the present writer's Ecclesiastical History of Scotland (4 vols. 1861); Scott's Fasti Ecclesie Scotice; The Church of Scotland, Past and Present, edited by Professor Story (5 vols. 1891). See also Dean Stanley's Lectures on the History of the Church of Scotland (2d ed. 1879), with Principal Rainy's Reply (1872); the St Giles' Lectures (1881); Bishop Wordsworth's Discourse (1881); for the Free Church point of view, McCrie's Sketches (1841), Hetherington's History (1841), and Buchanan's Ten Years' Conflict (1849); for the Episcopal side, Russell's Church of Scotland (1838) and Miss Kinloch's History (1888). See W. Forbes-Leith, S.J., Narratives of Scottish Catholics under Mary Stuart and James VI. (1885); The Catholic Church in Scotland, edited by the Rev. J. F. S. Gordon (Glasgow, 1869); and Dr Bellesheim, History of the Catholic Church in Scotland, trans. by F. Hunter-Blair, vols. iii. and iv. (1889-90); and see in this work the articles on CONFESSIONS OF FAITH, COVENANT, PRESBYTERIANISM, ASSEMBLY, ELDER, FREE CHURCH, UNITED PRESBYTERIANS, CAMERONIANS, and those on the great church leaders, Knox, Melville, Henderson, Chalmers, Macleod, Tulloch, &c.

SCOTTISH LANGUAGE.—This name is now applied to the Teutonic speech of Lowland Scotland, especially in its literary form, as the official language of the kingdom in the 15th and 16th centuries, and the vehicle of ballad and lyric poetry down to the present day. As originally used, it meant the Celtic language of the Scoti or Scots of Ireland, and to a comparatively late date it continued to be applied to the same language as spoken by the Celtic people of the Highlands and Western Isles, the 'Saxon' tongue of the Lowlander being then usually distinguished as 'Inglish' or English. All the earlier Scottish writers, Barbour, Wyntoun, Harry the Minstrel, Dunbar, and even Sir David Lyndsay recognised their language as 'Inglish'; Fordun, about 1400, still applied the name Scottish to the Celtic, saying of his countrymen: 'For they use two languages, the Scottish and the Teutonic (Scoticâ et Teutonicâ); the people speaking the latter occupies the seacoast and lowland districts, the people of Scottish language (linguæ gens Scoticæ) inhabit the highlands and isles beyond.' But as the nationality of Scotland, as distinct from England, became more definitely recognised, there were obvious inconveniences in applying the name Scottish to the speech of what had become the least important section of the nation, and the Celtic tongue began to be usually spoken of by Lowlanders as Yrische or Ersche; it was natural also that in the struggle with 'oure alde enemeis of Ingland,' the name Inglish should become distasteful to patriotic Scots; and, accordingly, in the 16th century, the name 'Scottis,' after having been disused for more than a century, was recalled, and applied to the Lowland tongue as being the official language of Scotland and of the vast majority of Scotsmen. Thus Gavin Douglas in the preface to his translation of Virgil, and the author of the Complaynt of Scotland, claimed to write in the 'Scottis tounge,' and from 1550 onwards this has always meant the Teutonic or Saxon speech of Lowland Scotland, the original lingua Scotica of the Highlanders being distinguished as Erse or Scottish Gaelic. The latter is a form, or group of forms, of the common Celtic tongue which is spoken, with many dialectal gradations, from Cape Wrath in Scotland to Cape Clear in Ireland, the Gaelic of Argyll and Islay not differing from the Irish Gaelic of Ulster on the one hand, more than it does from the Scottish Gaelic of Inverness and Skye on the other. The Erse has been a literary language in Ireland from a remote period; its literary career in Scotland is much shorter, beginning with Carswell's Gaelic version of John Knox's Liturgy, printed in 1567, and of little moment before the 19th century. The Gaelic is still extensively spoken in Scotland west and north of a line which runs up the Firth of Clyde and Loch Long, and crosses by Glen Douglas, Rowardennan, Aberfoyle, Callander, Comrie, Dunkeld, Glen Shee, Mount Blair, till it reaches the Dee 6 miles above Balmoral; leaving the Dee 3 miles above Ballater, it continues by the southern watershed of Glen Livet to the Spey and Knock of Moray, Coulmny on the Findhorn, and reaches the Moray Firth about 3 miles west of Nairn. East of this line, as also in the north-east half of Caithness and in the Orkney and Shetland Isles, Gaelic is no longer native; but even to the west of the line a large proportion of the population is bilingual. There has never been any newspaper or journal published in Gaelic, so that the literary standing of the language is very different from that of Welsh.

The Lowland Scotch is a form of the Teutonic or Germanic speech introduced into Britain by the Angles and Saxons in the 5th century. These tribes spoke different dialects, which may be broadly distinguished as Saxon, including West

Saxon and Kentish, and Anglian, including Mercian and Northumbrian. In the Middle English period these developed into the Southern, Midland, and Northern English dialects respectively. Lowland Scotch forms part of the Northumbrian or Northern English division; modern standard English is a blending of Midland and Southern. Before the Norman Conquest, and for some centuries later, the old Northumbrian was spoken probably with little or no variation from the Humber to the Firth of Forth. But after the division of the Northumbrian territory between England and Scotland, and especially after the final establishment of the independence of Scotland in the beginning of the 14th century, this common speech began to be exposed to diverse influences north and south of the Border. South of the Tweed and Cheviots the Northumbrian sank from the rank of a literary language used by poets, preachers, and chroniclers, to that of a local dialect, or group of patois, overshadowed by the king's English of London, and more and more depressed under its influence. After 1400, or at least after the 15th century, it disappears from the view of the student. But north of the Tweed and Solway the Northumbrian remained the language of a court and a nation; it spread westward and northward over districts formerly occupied by British and Gaelic (or it may be Pictish) populations, from which it sustained modifications phonetic and structural; it received literary culture, and especially contracted alliances with French and Latin on its own account; so as to acquire by the close of the 15th century distinctive and strongly-marked features of its own not found in the cognate dialects in the north of England. From the close of the 14th to the beginning of the 17th century it was the vehicle of an extensive and in many respects brilliant literature, it was the medium of legislation and justice, and fulfilled every function of a national language. But a serious shock to its independent development was given by the Reformation, in consequence of the close relations between the leaders of that movement and the English Protestants, and the use of English books, especially of the English version of the Geneva Bible, printed at Edinburgh in 1576-79. Then followed the accession of James VI. to the crown of England, the transference of the seat of government to London, and the consequent disuse of the 'Scottis toun' by the court and by the nobility, who found it desirable to speak the king's English, and gradually grew ashamed of their Scotch. After this, few works were written in the native tongue, except such as were intended for merely local use. It became obsolete in public legal use at the time of the Commonwealth, and though retained a little longer in the local records of remote burghs and kirk-sessions, it disappeared from these also by 1707. But though it thus became obsolete in official and literary use, so that Scotchmen thenceforth wrote in English tinged more or less with Scotticisms, or words, phrases, and idioms derived from their native speech, it still continued, in several dialectal varieties, to be the vernacular of the people, and after a period of neglect it bloomed forth anew as the vehicle of ballad and lyric poetry, in Lady Wardlaw, Allan Ramsay, Burns, and their numerous fellow-singers. Sir Walter Scott also led the way in its use in prose fiction as the characteristic speech of local characters, a purpose for which it has continued to be effectively used down to the present day by many popular writers. These uses are, however, only dialectal; they must be classed with the similar use of Lancashire, Cumberland, Dorset, or Devonshire dialect, by English poets and novelists as the appropriate language of the local muse, and of local dramatis personae; with this difference that Scottish, having been a literary language, has preserved a certain literary status which is wanting to these English dialects. But even this difference tends to disappear; recent writers of Scottish tales have sought to heighten the local truthfulness of their delineations, by giving as close a transcript as possible of the local speech, regardless of the traditional conventionalisms of the 'literary' Scotch.

The Teutonic tongue was probably introduced into the country south of the Forth as early as into any part of England. But few actual specimens of the language in these early times have come down to us; the chief is the Runic inscription still extant on the Ruthwell Cross in Dumfriesshire in the old Northumbrian of about 660; then there are the local names, which, in so far as they are those of the dwellings of men, or of the less conspicuous natural features, are in eastern Lothian, Teviotdale, and lower Tweeddale, as truly Teutonic as in Kent or Essex. Isolated vernacular words and phrases in early Latin charters, and in the Latin texts of the early laws, some of which go back to the reign of David I., testify to the currency of the language in the 11th and 12th centuries. But connected specimens are all of later date, and the earliest of these are, moreover, known only in transcripts much later than their own date. Thus the eight lines of verse beginning:

Quhen Alysander oure kyng wes dede
That Scotland led in lufe and le,

though referring to events which followed the year 1289, are preserved for us only by Wyntoun who wrote after 1400. Rude snatches of song relating to the siege of Berwick in 1296 are preserved by Fabyan who wrote about 1500. Even Barbour's Brus, written about 1375, is, with the exception of the passages incorporated by Wyntoun, preserved only in MSS. more than a century younger. A charter of 1385 in the 'Red Book of Glen Tully,' and fragments of Scottish acts of 1389 and 1398 are among the earliest contemporary documents. But after 1400 the remains become plentiful.

The Scottish language as thus known to us has been divided into three periods: Early Scottish, during which the language did not differ appreciably from the Northern Middle English, extending from the earliest remains down to about 1475; Middle Scottish, the national period of the language, from that date to about 1650; Modern Scotch, the dialectal period, from 1650 onwards. The distinctive characters of these periods are fully set forth in the Historical Introduction to a treatise on the Dialect of the Southern Counties of Scotland (1873), by the present writer. It will be observed that the first is coterminous with the Middle English Period of the English language, as recognised by modern scholars, and that the second is co-extensive with the Early Modern or Tudor and Early Stuart Period of modern English. Barbour and Wyntoun represent the Early Period; Dunbar, Gavin Douglas, Lyndesay, Montgomery, and the fine prose of Bellenden and the Complaynt of Scotland, Archbishop Hamilton's Catechism, and the writings of Ninian Winzet, Father Dalrymple, and other Roman Catholics belong to the Middle Period; the poets and novelists of the 18th and 19th centuries, the Modern Period.

The living tongue now exists in numerous dialects and sub-dialects, easily distinguished from each other by differences of pronunciation and vocabulary. The researches of Dr Murray, followed by those of Dr Alexander J. Ellis, have established three main dialects, classed as Southern or Border Scotch (Teviotdale, Dumfriesshire, and Selkirkshire); Central Scotch (Lothian and Fife, Ayrshire and Clydesdale, Galloway, south-east

Perthshire); North-eastern Scotch (Angus, Aberdeen and Moray, Caithness). In the Orkney and Shetland Isles dialects of the Norse survived till a century ago, many traces of which still characterise this fourth or Insular Scotch group (see the article DIALECT, by Dr A. J. Ellis).

It was long a favourite notion that the Scottish speech contains a much larger Norse element than English; some writers even went to the length of claiming that it was of Scandinavian rather than of Anglo-Saxon origin. This is an entire mistake. There is no record of any Norwegian or Danish conquests and settlements in the east of Scotland, as in the east of England. In England the northern limit of Danish influence is about Durham; the county of Northumberland and the whole Scottish Lowlands, except a small district near the Solway, are entirely void of Danish characteristics. The differences relied upon as evidences of Scandinavian influence in Scotland, are really the differences between a pure Anglian dialect such as that of Scotland, and the largely Saxon dialect which lies at the basis of literary English. Scandinavian words and forms prevail extensively in certain English dialects, as in Yorkshire and Lincolnshire, but fewer of them have passed into Scotch than into literary English.

The greatest work dealing with the Scottish language is Dr Jamieson's Dictionary (published 1804; with supplement, 1825; new ed. 1879-87). The author aimed to include both the literary words of the earlier periods and the modern words from all the dialects. For the former he was necessarily hampered by the deficiency of available printed material. For the latter he was dependent on the co-operation of friends in different districts. It is to be wondered that in these circumstances he produced so estimable a work. Its most serious defect was due to his utter ignorance of the subject historically, and his erroneous fancy that Scotch was more intimately related to the tongues of Scandinavia, even to Suio-Gothic, as he called old Swedish, than to northern English. This coloured his whole work, even his definitions. The New English Dictionary (vol. i. 1888) of the Philological Society includes all literary Scottish words, either in separate articles or as variants of corresponding English ones. It would still be desirable to make a systematic collection of all living Scottish words, of all the dialects. The English Dialect Dictionary (vol. i. 1895-98), edited by Prof. Jos. Wright, partly covers the ground. See also Gregor's Glossary of Banffshire (1866) and Edmonston's Shetland Glossary (1866), both published by the Philological Society.

SCOTTISH LITERATURE.—A special difficulty presents itself in connection with the literary history of Scotland. Are we to regard as Scottish literature only what is written in the Scottish vernacular in its various developments from Barbour to Burns? Thus regarded, Scottish literature would manifestly be the inadequate expression of the Scottish character and genius. On the other hand, the literature produced by Scotsmen in standard English is for many reasons best treated under the general head of English literature. Nevertheless, a national literature being the expression of the national consciousness only when considered as an organic whole, the survey here attempted will take account of the total contribution made by Scotsmen to the literature of the world.

The literature of Scotland definitely begins with John Barbour (died 1395). A few scraps of verse of questionable authenticity and doubtful authorship hardly justify us in saying that he had any predecessor. Barbour's Brus marks an epoch at once in the literature and the political history of the country. As has been said of him, he is the first poet and, at the same time, the first historian of Scotland. In his sober and yet imaginative presentation of his theme—the deeds of the national hero and the establishment of the national independence—Barbour struck that note in Scottish literature so conspicuously manifest in the intense national feeling of Burns and Scott. As the exponent of the same tradition with all the exaggerations of popular feeling, Blind Harry, though he came a century later, may be naturally grouped with Barbour. Of little value as poetry, and grotesque in its perversion of the story he professed to tell, Blind Harry's Wallace has its distinct place in the national life of Scotland. 'Next to the Bible,' says its latest editor, 'it was probably the book most frequently found in Scottish households.'

Chaucer may with even greater truth be called the father of Scottish than of English poetry. In England he had predecessors who cannot be altogether disregarded: in Scotland, with the exception of Barbour, who was not great enough to be a source of inspiration, he had none. Moreover, the Scottish poets who looked to him as their master made a far more distinguished succession than his imitators in England. Inspired by the form and the themes of Chaucer, his followers in Scotland in individual effects often surpassed their model, and even suggest the question whether they would not have done better to trust more to their own natural impulse. To the close of the 16th century, however, it was on Chaucer that the poets of Scotland had ever their eyes fixed, and it was by their approximation to his models that they measured their success in their art.

The Scottish line of Chaucerians begins with James I. (died 1437). By his own natural affinities, and by the accident of his personal history, James is the most deeply imbued of them all with the spirit of the English poet. While he was thus so distinctly the vehicle of another's inspiration, every reader of the King's Quair feels that in its delicacy of feeling, its sense for the music and subtler shades of language, it is the expression of a mind essentially poetic in its deepest construction of nature and human life. It is in itself a fact of curious interest that the Scotland of James II. and James III. should have produced a poet of the type and of the importance of Robert Henryson. That Henryson achieved the work he did is, in truth, conclusive proof that there was a higher consciousness in the nation than the external history of the time would lead us to infer. The work of Henryson is marked by qualities which have not been conspicuous in poets of his country even greater than himself—pervading artistic feeling and justness of thought and sentiment. In his Fables, the Abbey Walk, Robene and Makyne ('the first English pastoral'), and the Garmond of Fair Ladies he exhibits such a range of poetic gifts, and of such an order, as must always ensure to him his own niche among the imaginative writers of British literature. Of a very different type and of far greater natural force is Henryson's younger contemporary William Dunbar. A Chaucerian also, Dunbar is generally acknowledged to have surpassed his master in imaginative intensity and in the blended effects of ghastly humour and daring conception. 'In brilliantly of fancy,' says Scott, 'in force of description, in the power of conveying moral precepts with terseness, and marking lessons of life with conciseness and energy, in quickness of satire, and in poignancy of humour, the Northern Maker may boldly aspire to rival the Bard of Woodstock.' Where Dunbar falls short of the highest order of poets is in that largeness of humanity, in that just and genial survey of life which gives its breadth and serenity to the work of Chaucer, and has assured his supreme place in English literature. From the number of Dunbar's poems it is sufficient to specify The Thrissil and the Rois, The Golden Targe, The Dance of the Sevin Deidly Symmis (one of the memorable efforts of poetic genius), The Justis between the Tailzeour and the Sowtar as those which best exhibit his power. Of Dunbar it has to be added that he is the first Scottish writer in whom are unmistakably present the distinctive traits of the national genius as it has expressed itself in literature. As the translator of the Encid, Gavin Douglas (1475-1522) must always remain an interesting figure; and it is on his translation that his claims as a poet mainly rest. In the opinion of the very latest critics Douglas has rendered his author with a sympathetic insight and frequent felicity of interpretation which have not been surpassed by any subsequent translator. Without natural inspiration, however, he fails when left to his own resources. His Palice of Honour and King Hart are purely conventional productions, without individual stamp, in the tedious allegorical fashion of the time. Like his three predecessors, Sir David Lyndsay (1490-1555) regarded Chaucer as his great exemplar in poetry, and in his early poem The Drcme he is directly inspired by his model. Yet no two minds could be more essentially unlike than Chaucer and Lyndsay. Chaucer's view of life was essentially that of a poet: for Lyndsay the world around him was a sight which he regarded not through the medium of the poetic imagination, but with the direct feeling of one moved to the heart by the strivings and sufferings of his fellow-men. The period in which he lived, also, was more proper to men of his type than to men of the purely poetic temper. By the time he reached manhood the great religious revolution of the 16th century had broken upon western Europe, and was begetting universal discontent with existing conditions, and specially with the clergy of the ancient church, who were mainly responsible for the state to which society had come. With the majority of the men of letters of his time, therefore, Lyndsay found scope for his talent as the critic and censor of the social order around him. By the vigour and effect with which he accomplished this task in such poems as The Testament of the Papyngo, The Satyre of the Thrie Estaitis, and The Dialog concerning the Monarchie he did for Scotland what Erasmus did for Europe, preparing the way for Knox as Erasmus did for Luther. As poet and champion of the people Lyndsay came to hold a place in the hearts of his countrymen from which Burns alone was able to dislodge him.

The very success which the four poets just named achieved in their art is proof of a cultivated opinion which made their development possible. It is but what we should expect, therefore, that these four poets are only the brilliant survivors of a numerous race who were their rivals for poetic distinction. The list of such given by Dunbar in his Lament for the Makars leaves us with a lively impression of the intellectual activity of an age which many things might persuade us was one in which the finer play of the human spirit was hardly to be looked for. In this connection reference should also be made to that ballad poetry of which Scotland has produced such splendid specimens in their kind. Though their date and authorship cannot be definitely fixed, it seems unquestionable that many of the best of the ballads belong to the 15th and 16th centuries.

It was in vernacular poetry that the Scottish genius found its highest expression during the period of which we are speaking; but along other lines of expansion there was no lack of well-directed effort. There is conclusive evidence that the intellect of Scotland had already taken that bent which it has kept ever since—that bent for the dialectic treatment of abstract questions which eventually produced Scottish theology and Scottish philosophy. At the close of the 15th century

Erasmus notes as a generally recognised fact the affinity of the Scots for abstract thinking, and about the middle of the 16th the younger Scaliger made a similar remark in somewhat different terms. According to Renan, Michael Scott was the first (1230) to introduce the Aristotelian Commentaries of Averrhoes into the western schools—an event of the first importance in the intellectual history of Europe. To Duns Scotus (who according to the best authority, John Major, was undoubtedly a Scotsman) belongs the credit of leading the way by his remorseless logic to the emancipation of men's minds from the scholastic philosophy after it had done its work of discipline on the mind of Europe. The foundation of the three universities of St Andrews (1411), Glasgow (1451), and Aberdeen (1494) is another proof of what has been already said, that in spite of chronic strife and confusion there was a section of the community who had steadily at heart the highest interests of the country.

Like other countries of Europe, Scotland had also during this period its succession of chroniclers of varying degrees of merit. The first of these was John of Fordun, who between 1384 and 1387 wrote his Latin chronicle of the Scottish nation (Scotti-chronicon), afterwards unscrupulously interpolated and continued by Walter Bower (died 1449). With these, though he wrote in vernacular verse, may be mentioned Andrew of Wyntoun, who towards the end of the 14th century composed his Orygynale Cronycle, or story of the world from its creation. Of much higher merit as being the product of a time when the Revival of Learning had extended knowledge and raised the level of thought are the Latin histories of Hector Boece (died 1536) and John Major (died 1550). The translation of Boece's history into Scots by John Bellenden is the work of a writer who consciously uses language both with knowledge and skill. An interesting anonymous tract in the Scottish dialect, The Complaynt of Scotland (1548), is a curious example of that superfine writing which among the humanists of the time was known as Ciceronianism.

During the latter half of the 16th century the mind and heart of Scotland were engrossed in the task of adjusting its social and political system to the religious settlement accepted by the country in 1560. The time was therefore in the highest degree unfavourable to the growth of imaginative literature. Such productions as the Gude and Godly Ballades, interesting as the deepest utterance of the time, show the dominant note even of poetic feeling. When every explanation has been suggested, however, it is a strange fact that Scotland, which during the 15th century had so distinctly the advantage of England in the quality of its poetic literature, for this period can only show against the Elizabethan galaxy such names as Sir Richard Maitland, Alexander Montgomery, Alexander Hume, and King James VI. In vernacular prose the most notable production of the period is John Knox's History of the Reformation in Scotland, a work of national importance to his own country, and by the imprint it bears of a commanding personality holding a unique place in its literature. The History of Scotland by Bishop Lesley (afterwards translated into Latin), the Memoirs of Sir James Melville, and the Tractates of Ninian Winzet, though of no special literary excellence, are all the works of men alive to the great questions that moved the world of their time. Of all the Scotsmen of this period, however, the greatest literary genius was George Buchanan, who by the grace of his Latin poetry and his equal skill in prose gained a reputation second to no writer in Europe. In Buchanan's vernacular writings also, the Admoni- tion and The Charnel, we have the most skilfully wrought Scottish prose that has come down to us. As a scholar of singular attainments, though of no distinctive literary genius, Andrew Melville may also be mentioned as one among many examples of Scotsmen who profited to the utmost by the new studies of the Revival of Learning.

For the 17th century Scotland has but one distinguished poet to show—William Drummond of Hawthornden (1585-1649). In other departments of literature there were many able workers, but none of whom it can be said that their work is of very high order in its kind. During this century also Scotland was absorbed in questions that lay at the roots of the national life, and till these questions should be finally settled a collective intellectual movement, such as is necessary to a great literature, was a moral impossibility. The union of the crowns and the removal of the court in 1603 had likewise for the time an injurious effect in weakening the national spirit, which in the 15th century had been so potent an inspiration. Thenceforward the Scottish language gradually gave way before the standard English, and it is a significant fact that Scotland produced nothing of literary importance in its own dialect till the appearance of Allan Ramsay's Gentle Shepherd in the following century. As regards its achievement in literature during the 17th century, therefore, Scotland may be very briefly disposed of.

With Drummond of Hawthornden may be named as poets Sir William Alexander (Earl of Stirling) and Sir Robert Aytton, though neither produced work that deserves a place in a British anthology. In Drummond, however, we have a poet the distinction of whose character and genius has made him one of the interesting figures in literary history. Poor as was the beginning of the century in poetry, the latter half is poorer still, since it boasts not one name that deserves even a passing mention. As continuing the tradition in Latin poetry so brilliantly initiated by Buchanan may be noted the Delitiae Poetarum Scotorum, a collection of Latin poetry written by Scotsmen. Among its contributors Arthur Johnston merits special mention as the Scotsman of the period who after Drummond gave proof of the finest literary gift. In history the best work was done by David Calderwood and Archbishop Spottiswoode during the first half of the century, and by Sir James Dalrymple and Bishop Burnet in the second half. Against the brilliant list of English divines for this period Scotland can only show as its two best known Samuel Rutherford and Archbishop Leighton—the latter, however, a writer of such fine suggestions that Coleridge could speak of him as a Christianised Plato. As miscellaneous writers holding a place apart Sir Thomas Urquhart, the translator of the first three books of Rabelais, and Robert Barclay (1648-90), author of the Apology for the Quakers, close the list of the most distinguished names in Scottish literature during the 17th century.

Far different is the literary record of Scotland for the 18th century. Due proportion guarded, it may be safely said that during this period she was surpassed by no country in Europe in brilliant initiative and in solid contribution in every field of intellectual activity. The mere enumeration of the more important names in each department shows that this statement is no exaggeration.

Of the crowd of poets who wrote in the vernacular two stand out pre-eminently as the representatives of their fellows. In the first half of the century Allan Ramsay in his Gentle Shepherd produced a work which, in virtue of its intrinsic quality, and as the only example in its kind, is in its own degree a British classic. Robert Burns, born the year after Ramsay's death, is the greatest natural force in the imaginative literature of the 18th century, and it is the supreme tribute to his genius that his poems have made classic the dialect in which he wrote. Two poets who wrote in English also call for special notice in virtue of the fresh impulse of thought and feeling which they communicated to the poetry not only of Britain but of Europe. In his Seasons James Thomson (1700-48) gave expression to certain aspects of man's relation to nature which freshened the sources of English poetry and on the Continent influenced notably, among others, Jean-Jacques Rousseau. As perhaps the first to strike the dominant note of Romanticism James Macpherson (1738-96), the 'translator' of the pseudo-Ossianic poems, is rightly regarded as one of the literary forces of his century. In history David Hume (1711-76) and William Robertson (1721-93), both writing before Gibbon, gave a new character and aim to the treatment of the past, and by their insight, philosophic breadth, and literary skill made an era in the science of human affairs. As has been already said, it is the ruling instinct of the Scottish mind to busy itself with the mysteries that lie at the heart of things, and in the 18th century we have signal illustration of the fact. In the line of philosophic thinkers it is sufficient to name Hume, Reid, and Adam Smith to indicate the far-reaching importance of Scottish thought and speculation during the period we are considering. From Hume's disintegrating scepticism dates an epoch in metaphysical science, the extraordinary development of modern German thought resulting by natural recoil from his main position. As the founder of what is distinctively known as the Scottish philosophy Thomas Reid had in France an even more direct and potent influence than Hume in Germany. Of Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations it is enough to say that by the consenting opinion of Europe it is one of the epoch-making books in man's history. As masters in their own department, Smollett and James Boswell likewise deserve to be named even in the most cursory account of British letters.

The time has not yet come when the literary forces of the 19th century can be reckoned with the same precision as in the case of the centuries that preceded it. Of Scotland, however, it may be safely said that the literary succession of the 19th century is not unworthy of its brilliant predecessor; and it may also be added that all the work of the highest order contributed by Scotsmen to the imperial literature bears the unmistakable stamp of its national origin. In the two greatest literary Scotsmen of the century, Scott and Carlyle, the distinctive genius of their country cannot be missed. While the work of Scott has its elements of universal interest, in its initial inspiration, in its recurrent moods it is one in nature with the Scottish soil and the Scottish race. In Carlyle we have in ungovernable force that emotion in the presence of the mystery of things against which, as he has himself told us, Scott likewise had all his life to do battle, and which, as we have seen, may be regarded as the deepest and most constant note of the Scottish character and genius.

In the foregoing sketch only writers of the first importance have necessarily been mentioned; but such names as the following can hardly be left unnoticed in the briefest account of the literature of Scotland. For the 18th century Miss Jean Elliot, Mrs Cockburn, Lady Anne Barnard, John Skinner, and Robert Fergusson as writers of Scottish verse; and John Home, Henry Mackenzie, Lord Hailes, and Dr Adam Ferguson as writers in standard English, may be specially named. In the 19th century there has been no lack of poets in the vernacular—among the best known being Robert Tannahill, James Hogg, Allan Cunningham, William Tennant, William Laidlaw, and William Motherwell. Thomas Campbell, Joanna Baillie, Professor Wilson, and Professor Aytoun, as poets; George Chalmers, Malcolm Laing, John Pinkerton, Dr M'Crie, Patrick Fraser Tytler, Sir Archibald Alison, and John Gibson Lockhart, as biographers and historians; Dugald Stewart, Dr Thomas Brown, Sir James Mackintosh, Sir William Hamilton, and Professor Ferrier, as philosophers; and John Galt, Professor Wilson, John Gibson Lockhart, Miss Ferrier, and Michael Scott, as novelists, represent the main contribution of Scotsmen to English literature, living authors being left out of account.

See the introductions to the different volumes issued by the Scottish Text Society; David Irving, Lives of the Scottish Poets and Lives of Scottish Writers; Dr John Ross, Scottish History and Literature to the period of the Reformation (1884); T. F. Henderson, Scottish Vernacular Literature (1898); the various histories of English literature; and in this work the articles on the authors named, as well as those on more recent Scottish writers, such as Mrs Oliphant, George Macdonald, William Black, Andrew Lang, and R. L. Stevenson.